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This glossary contains working definitions of terms as they tend to be used (by me at least!) in this particular specialism (cultural studies). Other glossaries, designed for A-level Sociology, for example, will give different angles. No glossary can substitute for the arduous attempt to pursue arguments in context, but this one might offer a quick beginning or refreshment. There is an excellent electronic source of material on many of these topics, but it is a little 'advanced' --email me for details The entries are in alphabetical order.
CRITICAL THEORY (CT) is a rather vague general term used to refer to the work of writers like Adorno, Marcuse, Horkheimer and Habermas among others). The first 3 are also known as members of the 'Frankfurt School'. Critical theory is wide-ranging and interdisciplinary, addressing culture, politics, philosophy and art, and drawing upon marxism, Freud, and a panoply of German (and even Greek) philosophers. The best single piece on the early work at least is Held's (1982) (Introduction to Critical Theory). You will often come across references to two works in particular: Adorno and Horkheimer (1976) Dialectic of Enlightenment, which contains an essay on the 'culture industry', and Marcuse One-Dimensional Man, a rich source of quotes for those hostile to consumerism, and a key text for 1960s cultural politics. There is an excellent collection of pieces in Adorno T (1991) The Culture Industry (and see the Intro by Bernstein). Steve Crook, a former Marjon lecturer (!) has edited and introduced a recent collection -- Adorno T (1994) The Stars Come Down to Earth... These works are usually dismissed
(by gramscians - see below) as 'too critical' or 'too pessimistic', often
with little evidence of having read critical theory in any depth I have
argued. CT is relentlessly critical of any approach or theory that tries
to prematurely close debate (and thus set itself against communist politics
and, of course, Nazism back in the 1930s), and it is very acutely worried
about the tendencies in capitalism to anticipate and incorporate critical
cultural politics (e.g. by turning them into a mere style). Clearly, CT
offers little concrete support for British gramscian cultural struggle,
but few gramscians have wanted to take on CT in any detail. There is an
excellent on-line essay on the links and differences between gramscian
cultural studies and critical theory -- see Kellner on the Zupko
database
ETHNOGRAPHY appears in our
story as a technique used to do research into the subjective meanings of
participants (using participant observation, for example).There are several
good texts on how to use the approach, should you be considering an empirical
dissertation. Hazards awaiting the unwary ethnographer include, for example,
the twin problems of 'observer effects' (the researcher disturbs the behaviour
of the group by her very presence), and 'going native' (the researcher
becomes so involved in the life of the group that she just becomes amember
and stops being able to be critical).
Some ethnographers have taken up
theoretical arms to reinstate the interacting individual as a creator of
meaning, and thus disagree with structuralists. Some ethnographers disagree
with marxists too, seeing no need to insist that all meanings derive from
a mode of production in the end. Gramscians have tried to graft ethnography
on to their version of marxism however, and there is considerable debate
about whether this is legitimate. Willis offers perhaps the best example
-- skilfully bringing to life the strange world of the school early leaver
(Learning to Labour) or the biker (Profane Cultures), and
then offering a clever marxist commentary on the political significance
of these views. See also his views on the need for ethnography to maintain
a certain open-ness and 'surprise' (in Hall et al (eds) Culture Media
Language).
Recently, ethnography has started
to feel the weight of postmodern critique
as writers like Clough (The End(s) of Ethnography?)suggest that
ethnographers operate more or less like journalists, trying to give us
a sense of having been there by clever and involving writing. To be cynical
for a moment, this 'good writing' is the technique to deliver results,
rather than all that solemn stuff about recording and processing 'data'.
Willis's work is very open to such a cynical reading, in my view.
FIGURATIONALISM appeared in
leisure studies as an alternative to marxism. Based on the work of Norbert
Elias, its main representatives for our purposes are Rojek (Capitalism
and Leisure Theory), Dunning, and Mennell (see his book on Elias).
(Early) Rojek argues that social groups are best studied as figurations
-- groups formed on the basis of any social ties (of dependency) between
the members (including leisure pursuits, skin colour, tactical interests
etc), with no special privileges given to social class, race or gender,unlike
as in gramscianism. Figurations must be studied concretely, as they emerge
and change in unpredictable ways (i.e. not according to some necessary
logic of class struggle). The emphasis is on the processes of growth and
emergence, which cannot be reduced to some simple underlying logic. The
unpredictable coalitions of groups who have shaped our modern eating behaviours
is a good example (see Mennell All Manners of Food)
Elias is also cited as a theorist
of the civilisation process, defined in terms (derived from Freud) of a
growing awareness of and ability to take the role of other people. This
restrains our immediate emotions, impulses and desires and permits more
complex forms of social ties to develop. There is a long term trend towards
civilisation detectable in changing leisure pursuits, for example. It is
an uneven process, however, as we shall see in Dunning's work on football
hooliganism (where working class males can lag behind the others in
terms of their exposure to civilisation), and there are other pathologies
-- it is possible to become overcivilised, for example.
MARXISM, in various guises,
has set the agenda for a lot of the work, in the CCCS tradition at least,
as we have seen. What is often puzzling to the newcomer is that there are
different strands inside marxism, and that marxists spend a lot of time
debating with and criticising each other. Gramscians, for example,
hasten to dissociate themselves from both orthodox marxism (with its insistence
that some basic characteristics of the capitalist mode of production explain
everything in capitalist societies) and structuralist marxists (mostly
French writers, who tend to see social life as heavily influenced or structured
by certain processes which reproduce capitalist social formations --
see Althusser file ). In the early
works, they did much to split from critical theory (which see) too. They
were inspired instead by the life and work of Antonio Gramsci who did much
to launch a subtle marxist analysis of the complexities of Italian culture
in the 1930s and early 40s.
These other approaches for gramscians,
are insufficiently aware of struggles in society, resistance, opposition,
very often generated in complex ways in cultural locations (not economic
ones). Concepts developed by Gramsci, especially the idea of hegemony,
grasp these complexities and struggles better than the other marxisms,
and offer both better analysis and better cultural politics, it is argued
see
Gramsci file . Briefly, hegemony
refers to cultural and political leadership (rather than straightforward
domination), and draws attention to the clever ways in which dominant groups
interpret strands in popular culture and respond to them in a way which
protects their interests. This is an ongoing task. It implies that some
strands in popular culture are dangerous to the status quo, and do offer
some sort of potential for resistance, and so must be 'managed'. It is
rare that this management is ever totally successful, and so some elements
of struggle remain in popular culture itself. The Communist Party in Italy
was to engage in much more cultural politics itself, for Gramsci, to try
and win back some of this critical potential.
As we'll see, gramscians also tend
to employ more and more non-marxist 'bourgeois' social science to explain
complexity and struggle, but they often used to feel rather apologetic
and defensive about doing so. In particular, certain linguistic approaches
tended to be welded on to the old Italian (as in the work of Laclau or
Mouffe) to produce enriched gramscianism. Various appropriations
from the then fashionable Foucault produced elaborated gramscianism,
best seen for our purposes in the work of J. Hargreaves. Both terms are
discussed further in Harris's very wonderful book.
This sort of largely academic effort
is less noticeable these days though, since gramscians have been peculiarly
unsettled (at last) by postmodernism. Gramscians have had a long struggle
(sic) with postmodernism, trying to reject it first as the mere concern
of French academics, then admitting that there was something in postmodern
critique and trying to grab the best bits of it for gramscianism (see Hebdige's
final chapter in Hiding in the Light -- which also has a good summary
of postmodernism). One strange amalgam is post-marxism which I have
discussed in my 1992 book (and which is also in my
file on postmodernism and very wonderful
1996 book -- see below)
POSTMODERNISM is a term used
in both academic and cultural debates. The following definitions, will
serve us for now:
'...The three word version is
Jean-Francois Lyotard's: "incredulity towards metanarratives"....[which]...
means that the postmodern condition has rejected the certainties of large
schematic perspectives (e.g. of Marx ,Freud), replacing them with discontinuity,
fragmentation, ephemerality.
The two word definition is by
Linda Hutcheon who identifies postmodern fiction as "historiographic metafiction".
By this she means fiction that talks about itself, the writing process
(metafiction), and explores the relationship between history and narrative
(historiography). Examples include John Fowles's The French Lieutenant's
Woman...
The single -- word definition...is
by a recent undergraduate of mine, and requires no gloss: "crap".'
G. McKay, the Guardian, September
7 1992
The 'three word definition' is what
has caused all the academic discussion, as grand theory after grand theory
has come under close scrutiny and has been found wanting: all of them use
tricky arguments, ambiguities, persuasive rhetoric and downright emotional
appeals to try to convince the readers they are 'scientific'. Marxism has
been attacked in particular, and the founding fathers of British cultural
studies have had to quietly abandon many of their claims to offer a technically
superior 'science' and an infallible guide to correct political practice.
On the other hand, they have also done much to raise the issue of the sociology
of postmodernism -- who are the postmodernists exactly? what's their (material)
interest in this fashionable onslaught?
The 'two-word definition' applies
not only to literature but to all cultural activities -- films, TV programmes,
magazines, educational texts, clothes, youth subcultures, pop musicians,
architects, all now self-consciously comment on (and often ridicule or
parody) the very styles or conventions they are using. So 'postmodern'
films abandon conventions like nice ordered narratives and realism, and
become playful, ironic, episodic (with a series of episodes or scenes),
cross-generic (i.e. mixing the conventions of different types of films
- westerns, soap operas, documentaries, musicals), and intertextual (i.e.
they are full of references to other films).
The 'one word' definition is appealing
but far too simple, and would not single out postmodernism from some of
the other approaches we are studying.
STRUCTURALISM is another term
with several meanings according to whom you read. Culler's book (Structuralist
Poetics) or the OU course Popular Cultureoffer the best sources
for us, possibly. Very briefly, cultural activities can be understood best
as a kind of symbolic language, as coded messages, using signs (words,
images, gestures). Individuals and groups use these codes to express themselves,
often in ways which they do not fully understand. One classic variant of
the technique was employed in anthropology.
It makes sense then to direct analysis
at the codes and signs themselves, to try to grasp the rules and significance
of signs, to decode activities from the outside, using a structuralist
(linguistic) method, rather than by researching the intentions or backgrounds
or class positions of the individuals themselves. Barthes -- e.g. in Mythologies
-- gives lots of little examples of how to decode, say, margarine adverts
or striptease shows, or films.
Structuralism of this kind could
be added on to marxism, as long as you see the codings and symbols as the
result of a political process (class struggle again, more or less). Strictly
speaking, this sort of development is what became post-structuralism. In
France, the post-structuralists went around decoding or deconstructing
all sorts of discourses (often literary ones, which look so harmless and
'universal' but which really perpetuate options rooted ultimately in power
struggles). Foucault's work is probably more congenial to us -- he critically
deconstructed important discourses, about health, sexuality, crime and
punishment and education, and exposed the power relations in what looked
like mere 'common-sense' or even 'scientific knowledge'. Inevitably, post
structuralism itself came under scrutiny -- were the post-structuralists
also guilty of hiding specific interests under apparently universally 'good'
activities of deconstruction?
Can deconstruction as a technique
be deconstructed itself? Despite some ingenious arguments (especially in
Derrida -- but I won't bore you with them now), postmodernists thought
so (well, they would).
Back home with good old British cultural
studies, some marxists took the anti-individual elements in early structuralism
to support their views of codes as being used to manipulate people and
control their meanings. Others (especially the gramscians) tweaked structuralism
their way and found struggle and resistance in linguistic structures: particular
codes and messages were obviously influenced by the power of speakers to
impose meaning on others, and this domination could be exposed and opposed
by techniques such as bricolage, inversions of meaning, using the old signs
in a subversive way (e.g. parodying 'straight' conventions of dress). This
approach preserved complexity, and brought in a powerful and fashionable
theoretical technique in a nice domesticated way. Many gramscians would
like to stay with this approach -- but the people they borrowed the ideas
from were already heading into post-structuralism and postmodernism.
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