|
Critically
Evaluate The View That The Changing Social Landscape Of
The British Countryside
Invites Us To Redefine the Rural.
Introduction Manifestations
of British landscapes and countryside are defined by personal
experience,
indigenous perception, theoretical interpretation and local/national
government
policy. Past definitions of the rural have been guided by historical
perspective, dominated by specific ideas and images associated with the
countryside. Such imagery includes green fields and hedgerows,
agriculture,
forestry, peaceful village life and close-knit communities. This essay
aims to
explore a popular impression of the British landscape which was
previously
dominant, that of the Romantic ideal, and examine how this archetype
has been
challenged by the changing social landscape of the British countryside.
An
extract from Romantic era poetry and photos of the ‘idyllic
countryside’ will
be used as tools to demonstrate this romanticism. A definitive feature
of the
challenge facing traditional views of the rural is the increased usage
of rural
areas for leisure and tourism purposes and the conflicts that have
arisen from
such augmented recreational activities and land use. Thus a
redefinition of the
rural can be discussed, beginning with an examination of the
conceptualisation
of the countryside and how this has been transformed by popular opinion. Conceptualising
the Countryside Cloke
and
Thrift (1994:1-2) discuss how the term rural is often scrutinised as a
cultural
formation, identifying that this scrutiny is now more intense due to
the rapid
changes that rural areas have recently undergone. Cloke and Thrift
(1994:1)
reveal that: ‘Connected
processes like agricultural restructuring, new environmental policies,
the
incursion of middle-class incomers, the commodification of the
countryside
represented by the rise of the heritage industry, and the accumulation
of new
media images, have all pushed at the limits of what can be defined as
“rural”’. Cloke
and
Thrift (1992:1) go on to claim that ‘the idea of the rural as a fixed
location
has faded’ because the term ‘rural’ is now more mobile and malleable.
By this
they mean that the rural has been redefined to encompass not only
traditional
aspects of countryside life, but also includes newcomers to rurality
and new
industries to such areas. These new industries involve leisure and
tourism,
forms of revenue that have been developed to counteract the decreasing
economic
value of farming in Britain. The
rural is
a series of ‘different perceptions, social constructions and
representations’
(Cloke and Thrift 1992:1), the extent of which continues to grow. As
such it is
no longer possible to ‘conceive of a single rural space’ such as a farm
or area
of forest because: ‘a number of different social spaces (…)
overlap the same geographical space and, accordingly, (…) rurality
should be
seen as a social construct, reflecting a world of social, moral and
cultural
values’ (Cloke and Thrift 1992:2). This
essay
argues that previously dominant definitions of the rural were guided by
literary and artistic movements such as Romanticism in the 18th - 19th
century. However,
before exploring the Romantic ideal of rurality, it is important to
first
examine why the countryside has been re-conceptualised. Champion and
Watkins
(1991:4) discuss the ability to define the rural pre-20th
century as
characteristically easier because of the distinct dichotomy between
urban and
rural areas that existed. This was due to obvious differences
maintained by
size, demographic density and heterogeneity. The countryside was seen
as
agrarian, tranquil, modestly populated and dominated by forestry and
farming.
However, the process of counter-urbanization (Mitchell 2004:15-34) has
altered
this ability to define the rural with ease. The
outward
spread of urban influence into rural areas has continued to grow since
the
post-war era, resulting in confusion as to what the rural actually is.
Mitchell
(2004) describes counter-urbanization as a process of change based on
demographic movement from city to countryside, subsequently resulting
in social
and economic changes to existing pastoral communities. As towns have
grown and
rural areas have become urbanized by city dwellers relocating to the
countryside, then so the balance held in rural areas becomes disturbed.
The
newcomer’s lifestyle may be very different to that traditionally
enjoyed by the
indigenous population, and this can have detrimental affects on rural
neighbourhoods. Halfacre
(1993 cited by Cloke and Thrift 1994:3) claims that the sign of
rurality is
becoming increasingly detached from the signification or meaning of
rurality.
Matless (1994:7) argues that signs of rurality are myths, for example:
Maypole
dancing in a quiet English village may be a postcard symbol of
rurality, but it
is not necessarily the reality. Hence outsiders relocate to rural areas
searching for a quaintness or authenticity that is concocted by
media/tourist
images rather than actually being genuine to local residents. As such
the signs
of rurality are dependent on traditional English countryside
uniqueness,
whereas the meaning of rurality to indigenous countryside people may be
more
concerned with lack of good transport links, closure of village
shops/schools,
and infrastructural problems. Thus confusion arises between actual
rurality,
and the rural ideal supported by the media or tourism brochures. The
ability
to define the rural is not only about the realities of rural life
demonstrated
by the rising numbers of urban people moving into the countryside.
People’s
perceptions of the rural are also important in defining rurality, thus
a debate
can be introduced based upon both the logistics of living in the
countryside
and common ideas concerning a rural idyll encouraged by ‘country
living’
magazines such as Country Life, Devon Life - The Devon County Magazine
and
Country Living - The Complete Lifestyle Magazine. Appendix one contains
examples of such literature. Social
Influences Ross
(2006:245) claims ‘our ability to perceive and appreciate landscapes,
especially those we are experiencing for the first time, depends to a
great
extent on the theories we import’. These theories are usually related
to the
perception people have regarding the countryside which is directed by
their own
personal experiences of rurality. Family ties, childhood familiarity,
work,
gender, social status and preferred recreational pastimes all influence
such
perceptions. National and local opinions also influence perspectives of
the
rural and so a complex system of clarifying and defining the rural
becomes apparent.
There
is a
long social history of recreation values and their association with
rural areas
in Britain. These values have been influenced by social movements and
charities
including the National Trust, the R.S.P.B (Royal Society for the
Protection of
Birds) and the Protection of Nature Reserves and Conservation Society
(Lowe et
al. 1986). Also of significant influence was the Rambler’s Association
who
campaigned for better access to open land during the inter-war period.
Although
such social authorities will not be discussed in greater detail here,
they are
worth mentioning to demonstrate the diverse range of influences that
have
guided public perception concerning landscape and rurality. Historical
Perspective It
can be
argued that an important influential factor that has helped guide
personal
perceptions and definitions of the rural is the Romantic Movement of
the 18th
and 19th centuries. Ironically, this movement began at a
time of
urbanization instead of counter-urbanization, due to the Industrial
Revolution
of the 1700s. Many believed that the landscape was being violated by
industrialisation. The literary and artistic collection associated with
such
thinkers was named Romantic, because of their tendency to romanticise
life. Ross
(2006:246) discusses the importance of nostalgia and nationhood which
influence
perceptions, however, she also mentions how art, religion and science
affect
awareness. In particular, the Romantic artists and poets have had a
lasting
effect on perceived rural idylls, and so it can be argued that a
resonant theme
even today is the Romantic depiction of rurality. Romantic
poetry and painting identifies key themes and ideas that have
traditionally
been associated with the countryside, and these themes include elements
of
‘countryside capital’ according to Garrod et al. (2006:119): wild land
and
seascapes, freedom of wildlife, biodiversity, geology, woods/forests,
bridleways/lanes/roads, streams/rivers, distinctive local customs,
isolated
rural settlements, good air quality, historical features and hedgerows.
Appendix two has a selection of photographs which support such themes. A
clear link
between Romanticism and industrialisation can be made, supported by
authors
such as Aitchison et al. (2000:50) who state: ‘It seems no coincidence
that the
first nation to experience industrialisation and mass migration from
rural to
urban areas should have developed such intense nostalgia for the
countryside’.
Thus redefinitions of the rural have become possible because
counter-urbanization is an opposing force to that experienced in
Britain during
industrialisation. Romantic
poets such as Blake, Shelley, Byron and Keats, and Romantic artists
including
Constable and Turner, have encouraged a social construct of the rural
based
upon the threatened landscape of the 18th and 19th
centuries. Such threats to landscape have changed, developing
difficulties in
the ability to define the rural simply. An example of Romantic poetry
can be
found in appendix three, ‘Tintern Abbey’ by Charles Wordsworth
(1770-1850). Aitchison
et
al. (2000:53) support claims that there are lasting effects from
romanticism on
rural perceptions by stating ‘the discovery of the British countryside
in the
later 18th and 19th century owes much to
innovative
painters, writers and composers whose art reflected a deeper humanistic
quality’. Life was harsh in the 18th and 19th
centuries,
and so rurality was romanticised as a possible escape route for the
city
masses. This is still the case today, with many people relocating to
rural areas
in search of a better quality of life. Progressions
in science in the 18th/19th centuries, led by the
discoveries of Charles Darwin, developed the need to search for God
through the
natural world. Thus perceptions relating to the countryside and
aestheticism
began to take hold. An association between God, spirituality,
well-being and
nature became an intrinsic union between pantheism and the new
industrialised
society. This search for spirituality in rural areas is still reflected
today
by those wishing to move to the countryside as a means of achieving a
better
lifestyle. However,
this
love of nature recommended by the Romantics, was in the past exclusive
to rich
people who could afford to buy Romantic works of art, or spend time
reading
poetry and accessing the countryside. Thus leisure and recreation in
rural
areas became symbolic of elitism, ensuring that rurality was defined
more in
line with upper class definitions governed by the landed gentry or
urban
privileged. Nevertheless,
Romantic artists and poets are partly responsible for immortalising the
18th
and 19th century landscape as a place for spiritual
recreation where
one could be at peace with nature, away from the unsympathetic life
offered by
the cities. Such immortalisation still impacts on personal perceptions
of the
rural today. People may develop a longing for the countryside which is
encouraged by media representations of rural areas, but they are also
influenced by historical attitudes towards rurality. Disappointments
connected
to the difficulties of living in the era of industrialisation were
remedied by
an over-emphasis on natural beauty, leading to rurality being defined
as an
antidote for the hustle and bustle of city life. This sentiment is
still
pertinent today. Redefining
the
Rural Yarwood
(2002) points out that population density and lifestyle are important
criteria
used to define the rural. However, such tangible factors tend to avoid
the
importance of personal perception which is also a contributory factor
when
clarifying definitions. Yarwood (2002) believes that people’s views of
the
countryside fluctuate depending on their particular relationship with
it. Matless
(1994:11) states ‘The countryside has often been presented in England
as a
symbol of national identity (…) with the village as one of its iconic
foci’.
However, Cloke (1994:165) believes that although the village is a
symbol of
rural living, it is impossible to define the term rural because
people’s
constructions of rurality are not unitary. It can be argued that the
village
acts as a sign of rurality, but the ability to define rurality is
confused by
widening unstructured views and unclear opinions regarding what
actually
constitutes the rural. Certain signifiers can be identified, but actual
meanings are subjective to whoever is experiencing the countryside at a
given
time. This problem can be related to Cosgrove’s (1984) work on the
declining
economic value of British landscape. Modifications
in farming and changing control of land have developed into a
de-valuation of
land (see appendix four for examples concerning these changes).
Cosgrove
(1984:223) claims that in 1760, prior to the Industrial Revolution,
farmland
constituted 47% of Britain’s national capital. This can be compared to
today’s
figures where agricultural jobs account to just 6% of rural employment
(www.defra.gov.uk 13/3/2006). Therefore it can be argued that farmland
had a
higher economic value as well as an aesthetic one. Nonetheless,
industrialisation revolutionised society and capital production which
ultimately led to the de-valuation of British self-production. If land
was no
longer required to produce food, it could be used for other purposes. Cosgrove
(1984:231) continues ‘The significance attached to landscape by
romanticism
related to the changing value of land under capitalism’. Farming became
less
necessary in sustaining the British populace because food could be
imported
more cheaply from other countries. Such developments enabled policy
makers to
see land quite differently on a national scale. Instead
of
farming the industrialised nation were able to commodify landscape and,
according to Marxism, transpose social exchange values onto the object
in
question - land (Cloke 1994:169). Cosgrove (1984:236) writes ‘under
industrial
capitalism the value of land was altered as it, together with nature
and
natural processes, became subject to exchange values. It could increase
in
value without being productive’.
Cosgrove (1984:236) continues ‘Once land was no longer the
foundation of
social production but merely one factor in it, geared along with all
others to
the creation and accumulation of exchange values, then it could lose
its
privileged cultural status’. Thus green spaces became seen as not just
necessary for farming and aesthetic beauty, but also as land that could
be sold
for housing and leisure purposes. Thus landscape becomes contested:
more people
are now vying for its use and it is valuable for a wider variety of
reasons.
Appendix five contains information relating to this diverse array of
land use
for leisure and tourism including the Countryside and Rights of Way Act
(2000). As
the
variety of use grows, then ability to define the rural becomes more
difficult.
Romanticism generated a specific rural idyll in the 18th/19th
centuries and although still producing powerful imagery, other factors
are now
influencing such idylls. The media and those involved in selling the
leisure
and tourism industries are partly responsible for the dominant rural
idyll that
exists. However, such dominant ideologies concerning rurality have
increased
the conflicts occurring in the countryside due to counter-urbanization.
Griffith
(1989:21) writing for the ‘Change In Countryside - The Cornish
Perspective’
report states ‘Mechanisms of change have locational results but are
economic in
nature and relate to the transformations of our capitalist society’. Although
Griffith’s (1989) claims can be supported to a certain extent, it is
impossible
to eliminate intra-national phenomena, including counter-urbanization,
from the
causes of either social decline or regeneration in rural areas. For academics such as Griffith (1989) it is
possible to separate rural economy from rural society. However, the
work of
Cosgrove (1984) has helped demonstrate that definitions of rurality are
both
economical and social, with economic changes throughout society
affecting
indigenous communities intrinsically. In
reality
many of the social and economic problems facing rural areas are also
faced by
those living in the cities: unemployment, low wages, loss of specific
industries, declining services, gentrification and second homes,
declining morale/community
spirit and lack of affordable housing (Griffiths 1989:38). However,
such issues
are compounded in rural areas because of counter-urbanization and the
community
imbalance that newcomers bring. Many newcomers will commute to
well-paid jobs,
will not depend on local shops or services leading to their demise, and
will
over-stretch natural resources and local infrastructures. Such problems
alienate new people from locals, breeding resentment and
misunderstanding. However,
despite such social and economic problems, romanticised images of
rurality
still persist encouraging more and more people to consider rural areas
as
retreats from urban life. Marsden et al. (1993) point out that economic
changes
have enabled greater lifestyle choice which accentuates housing
concerns
already facing rural areas. This lifestyle choice is indicative of the
perceived rural idyll underpinned by Romantic sentiment, thus
demonstrating how
interpretations of the countryside are socially constructed by a
supposed
reality that may not necessarily exist. Cosgrove
(1984) is critical of this re-structuring of rurality and the way it is
commonly perceived by urban people. He believes that economic changes
and
lifestyle diversification have developed a negative attitude towards
the value
of landscape in Britain. These economic changes are essentially linked
to
social changes. Cosgrove (1984:251) even goes as far as stating that
‘contemplation and active engagement with nature’, which it can be
argued is
inherited from Romanticism, has been refined into a false
conservationist
theory where en masse access to the countryside for recreational
purposes is
actually damaging rural areas thus potentially devastating all that the
rural
idyll is meant to convey. Aitchison
et
al. (2000:66) add: ‘The
notion
of accessibility highlights the need to understand the variety of
meanings
which different social groups associate with the idea of the
countryside.
Conflicts over access issues are, therefore, very often concerned with
conflicting perceptions of the countryside and what constitutes
legitimate
recreational and sporting activity’. Yet
conflicts
in the countryside go beyond leisure and tourism and are resonant to
farming
and rural communities alongside casual users of rural areas and
newcomers searching
for the rural idyll. Thus a definition of the rural becomes synonymous
with
whoever is defining the concept for their own needs, whether those
needs are
recreational, economical or traditional. This definition will be guided
by
personal experience and one’s own perception of rurality. The rural has
perhaps
been resolutely defined by the Romantic image of British landscape, and
this
definition continues to influence today. However, this image of the
rural is a
social construct that fails to recognise many of the conflicts that
have arisen
in the countryside and changes that have occurred. Thus re-definitions
of the
rural can be explained by increased demands on rural areas, reflecting
the
diverse array of personalised perceptions that now exist. Conclusion It
may be
possible for individuals to define the rural because they will be able
to
describe their personal perception of the concept. However, a universal
definition does not necessarily exist. Personifications of rurality,
influenced
by history, media imagery and familial background, co-exist with
symbols of
Englishness and traditional village ways of life/values. However, such
diverse
epitomes of rurality do not consider social conflicts caused by
economic
disadvantage in specific locales. It is possible to argue that the
rural can be
redefined because of the changing social landscape of the British
countryside.
However the rural as a term is inconsistent and depends on the personal
activity of whoever is defining it. Therefore redefinitions of the
rural are
individual and as such may be in conflict with reality. An
historical
perspective identifies how industrialisation influenced the Romantics,
encouraging conservation and preservation of rurality as ideals.
However, the
British countryside is in a constant state of change due to
technological
advances, social transformations and environmental reparation.
Nevertheless,
specific Romantic imagery of the countryside still resounds,
encouraging more
active use of rural landscapes. Newcomers to rural areas have helped
redefine
the rural both locally and globally leading to increased demand and
expectations placed on rural areas. Thus the rural is a social
construct that
we as individuals are able to redefine, but it is impossible to
actually define
the rural collectively due to its divergent usage. Hence the changing
social
landscape in Britain invites us to redefine the rural, but does not
allow us to
define it unanimously. Reference
List Atchison,
C.,
Macleod, N.E. and Shaw, S.J. (2000) Leisure and Tourism Landscapes:
Social
and Cultural Geographies. London and New York: Routledge. Bized.ac.uk
(2006) Countryside Change. [on line] Available from: www.bized.ac.uk
13/3/2006. Cosgrove,
D.
(1984) Social Formation And Symbolic Landscape. London and
Sydney: Croom
Helm. Champion,
T.
and Watkins, C. (eds) (1991) People in the Countryside - Studies of
Social
Change in Rural Cloke,
P.
(1994) Enculturing political economy: A life in the day of a rural
geographer
in Cloke, P., Doel, M., Matless, D., Philips, M. and Thrift, N. (eds)
(1994) Writing
The Rural - Five Cultural Geographies. London: Paul Chapman
Publishing. Cloke,
P. and
Thrift, N. (1994) Refiguring the rural in Cloke, P., Doel, M., Matless,
D.,
Philips, M. and Thrift, N. (eds) (1994) Writing The Rural - Five
Cultural
Geographies. London: Paul Chapman Publishing. Country
Living Magazine- The Complete Lifestyle Magazine. February
2006. D.E.F.R.A
(2006) Rural Affairs - Rural Strategy. [on line] Accessed
from: www.defra.gov.uk
13/3/2006. Garrod,
B.,
Wornell, R. and Youell, R. (2006) Re-conceptualising rural resources as
countryside capital: The case of rural tourism. Journal of Rural
Studies.
Vol. 22, pp. 117-228. Halfacre
(1993) cited by Cloke, P., Doel, M., Matless, D., Philips, M. and
Thrift, N.
(eds) (1994) Writing The Rural - Five Cultural Geographies.
London: Paul
Chapman Publishing. Lowe,
P.,
Cox, G., MacEwen, M., O’Riordan, T. and Winter, M. (1986) Countryside
Conflict - The Politics of Farming, Forestry and Conservation.
England:
Gower. Matless,
D.
(1994) Doing the English village, 1945-90: An essay in imaginative
geography in
Cloke, P., Doel, M., Matless, D., Philips, M. and Thrift, N. (eds)
(1994) Writing
The Rural - Five Cultural Geographies. London: Paul Chapman
Publishing. Marsden,
T.
(1993) in Marsden, T., Murdoch, J., Lowe, P., Munton, R. and Flynn, A.
(1993) Constructing
The Countryside. UK: UCL Press. Mitchell,
C.
J. A (2004) Making sense of counter-urbanisation. Journal of Rural
Studies. Vol.
20(1) pp.15-34. Ross,
S.
(2006) Landscape perception: Theory-laden, emotionally resonant,
politically
correct. Journal of Ethics and the Environment.
Vol. 1, pp. 245-264. The
Countryside Agency (2006) Countryside Access and the New Right. West
Yorkshire: Countryside Agency Publications. Wordsworth,
W. (2006) Tintern Abbey in The Romantics. UK: The Open
University. Yarwood,
R.
(2002) Countryside Conflicts. Geograhical Association. ISBN 1
-84377-001-6. Bibliography Atchison,
C.,
Macleod, N.E. and Shaw, S.J. (2000) Leisure and Tourism Landscapes:
Social
and Cultural Geographies. London and New York: Routledge. Bized.ac.uk
(2006) Countryside Change. [on line] Available from: www.bized.ac.uk
13/3/2006. Cosgrove,
D.
(1984) Social Formation And Symbolic Landscape. London and
Sydney: Croom
Helm. Champion,
T.
and Watkins, C. (eds) (1991) People in the Countryside - Studies of
Social
Change in Rural Cloke,
P.
(1994) Enculturing political economy: A life in the day of a rural
geographer
in Cloke, P., Doel, M., Matless, D., Philips, M. and Thrift, N. (eds)
(1994) Writing
The Rural - Five Cultural Geographies. London: Paul Chapman
Publishing. Cloke,
P. and
Thrift, N. (1994) Refiguring the rural in Cloke, P., Doel, M., Matless,
D.,
Philips, M. and Thrift, N. (eds) (1994) Writing The Rural - Five
Cultural
Geographies. London: Paul Chapman Publishing. Country
Living Magazine- The Complete Lifestyle Magazine. February
2006. D.E.F.R.A
(2006) Rural Affairs - Rural Strategy. [on line] Accessed
from: www.defra.gov.uk
13/3/2006. Garrod,
B.,
Wornell, R. and Youell, R. (2006) Re-conceptualising rural resources as
countryside capital: The case of rural tourism. Journal of Rural
Studies.
Vol. 22, pp. 117-228. Halfacre
(1993) cited by Cloke, P., Doel, M., Matless, D., Philips, M. and
Thrift, N.
(eds) (1994) Writing The Rural - Five Cultural Geographies.
London: Paul
Chapman Publishing. Lowe,
P.,
Cox, G., MacEwen, M., O’Riordan, T. and Winter, M. (1986) Countryside
Conflict - The Politics of Farming, Forestry and Conservation.
England:
Gower. Matless,
D.
(1994) Doing the English village, 1945-90: An essay in imaginative
geography in
Cloke, P., Doel, M., Matless, D., Philips, M. and Thrift, N. (eds)
(1994) Writing
The Rural - Five Cultural Geographies. London: Paul Chapman
Publishing. Marsden,
T.
(1993) in Marsden, T., Murdoch, J., Lowe, P., Munton, R. and Flynn, A.
(1993) Constructing
The Countryside. UK: UCL Press. Mitchell,
C.
J. A (2004) Making sense of counter-urbanisation. Journal of Rural
Studies. Vol.
20(1) pp.15-34. Ross,
S. (2006)
Landscape perception: Theory-laden, emotionally resonant, politically
correct. Journal
of Ethics and the Environment. Vol.
1, pp. 245-264. The
Countryside Agency (2006) Countryside Access and the New Right. West
Yorkshire: Countryside Agency Publications. Wordsworth,
W. (2006) Tintern Abbey in The Romantics. UK: The Open
University. Yarwood,
R.
(2002) Countryside Conflicts. Geograhical Association. ISBN 1
-84377-001-6.
|