Notes on: Bhopal,
K. (2018) White Privilege.The myth of a
post-racial society. Bristol: Policy
Press.
Dave Harris
[Classic stuff offering circular
arguments to defend the notion of White privilege.
Very worried about Brexit and Trump as racist]
NB I have used abbreviations like BME and POC-- she
spells them out
Chapter 1
POC are positioned as outsiders because our society
values Whiteness and White privilege, although it
likes to portray an image of a post-racial society,
denying 'vast inequalities' (one). Policy-making has
exacerbated these inequalities. Neoliberalism
stresses the free market and the drive to privatise
public services in the name of greater individualism
and responsibility, but this protects Whiteness and
disadvantages POC.
Olssen is used to define neoliberalism — individual
self interest, unrestricted flows of capital,
reductions in the cost of labour, privatisation,
witHErawal of government. It has had an effect
although it has also 'created less choice and less
opportunity', for example the policy to increase
parental choice, which only applies to middle-class
people and which reinforced divisions based on class
and race. There is a value placed on
'entrepreneurship, value for money and profit' (3)
which suggests that it is a class project designed
to redistribute wealth upward, produce workers for
the economy, and make education open to strategic
investment, all of which involve attacking teachers,
trade unions and opposing elements of the civil
service. The signs in education include funding
linked to outcomes, and league tables. Evidence that
these have reduced greater equality and reducing
poverty is absent, inequality and poverty seems to
have increased [although we are shifting now to the
global level]. Individualism conveys 'a false sense
of power and freedom… a collective lack of
responsibility' (4), and this has reduced power for
unions.
Neoliberalism has changed 'racial governance'. In
the UK there has been anti-terror legislation
connected to British Values and Prevent. Inclusion
and social justice has not been championed and so
POC have been further marginalised and the position
of Whites reinforced. All the chapters apparently
'provide evidence' on this disadvantaging and
corresponding reinforcement, despite policy
emphasising the benefits of neoliberalism for all.
The concept of meritocracy is an example of failed
policy because neoliberalism has only reinforced
'social networks, mentoring, patronage and power
that Whiteness brings' (5), and it welcomes
inequality anyway. It has failed to acknowledge
racism by suggesting that all will benefit.
Each chapter explores White privilege and how it is
maintained, both in the UK and the US. She addresses
other forms of hierarchy by considering POC who are
White but not White enough, and goes on to consider
intersectionality. [There is emphasis on evidence].
Chapter 2
Whiteness and White identities 'operate as a form of
privilege' (9), both in the UK and the US, despite
their differences. The EHRC found evidence of racial
inequality, such as a greater likelihood of being
excluded from school, unemployed, living in poverty
and being restrained in police custody, and also
found an increase in the numbers of racist crimes.
Similar data can be found in the USA [rather
arbitrary selections of definitions of poverty].
Britain feels insecure and dangerous [after 'channel
hopping between news bulletins' (10)], based on
terrorism or fears of an invasion. There may be no
evidence, but there are deeper feelings of
Britishness, and 'deep seated stereotypes, often
racist stereotypes' which reinforced the otherness
of POC.
The Brexit referendum had consequences including
political turmoil and a sterling crisis. There were
also changed perceptions of British identity which
happened 'quickly and irrevocably' (11).
Pro-Europeans expressed disbelief and also 'great
abjection and despair for their futures', encouraged
by scary headlines about economic catastrophe in the
Independent and the Guardian. There
was also 'a significant rise in the reporting of
hate crime' [the example is some graffiti scribbled
on a Polish centre], which a spokesperson blamed on
the Referendum for empowering extremists [a
Remainer]. There are other accounts of racism, like
reports condemning Polish vermin, a halal butcher
being firebombed, films of teenagers abusing
passengers and other migrants [all this evidence
refers to Guardian articles]. Even the
Metropolitan police reported a 57% increase in 'the
reporting of race crime' after the vote and so did
other lobby groups. Immigration was 'cited as one of
the key reasons for voting to leave' [she says]
(12), and N Farrage posted a notorious poster.
A spokesperson for the Migration Research Centre
said that what was once unspeakable has now become
commonplace.
Leavers are more likely to be from the lowest social
class and have less education — and be White, which
leads her to argue that 'the vote to leave was a
clear indication of the predominance of Whiteness.
It was a reaction to mass immigration in which many
White (working class) people felt they were being
disadvantaged; immigrants were taking the jobs and
were a strain on education and the National Health
Service… Brexit was an "us vs them" vote in which
White privilege was used at its most powerful' (12 –
13) [a slippage from evidence citing the class and
educational data from one of Lord Ashcroft's polls
to her conclusions about White privilege]. [I don't
know where to start to refute this -- maybe R Tombs
(2021) This Sovereign Isle: Britain
in and out of Europe.London: Allen Lane?]
These issues have also been widely discussed in the
USA, especially in relation to the Civil Rights
movement and fight for equality. Recent events have
seen 'a return to overt racist acts… The number of
Black men who have been shot by White police
officers… Five times higher than White men the same
age' (14) [again citing the Guardian],
disproportionate deaths at the hands of the police,
including some notorious cases which led to protest.
BLM was one result, 'based on ideological and
political interventions which work to make
significant changes in society for Black people'
(14). The families of Black victims also believe
that the police respond to the colour of the victim.
More examples follow.
Donald Trump, a wealthy person and businessman,
squeezed through the nominations and secured some
decisive victories [she seems unable to accept that
these were somehow legitimate]. Since his victory
used 'White privilege and background' to mobilise
supporters. He is still strongly supported among
White males, usually earning less than $50,000 a
year and defining themselves as conservative [the Washington
Post is the source here]. He is hardly likely
to be able to represent these people, and just seize
the opportunity 'just like the Brexit voters' to
capitalise on disaffection with politicians. Trump
claims to empathise, and used his identity as an
outsider to oppose cultural and demographic change.
He has launched 'overt attacks on those who live in
minority ethnic communities' (17) and encourage
racism — the example is his denigrating Mexican
migrants, or threatening to stop Muslims entering
the USA [the actual insults cited are unpleasant,
and refer to drug dealers, criminals and rapists for
Mexicans, and repressed women for Muslims]. His
policy to build a wall is popular. His 'negative
xenophobic comments' also sparked violent protest
and legitimated 'hatred and negativity' as well as
legitimising Whiteness. His overall effect was
divisive. His power is indistinguishable from his
Whiteness.
First reservation Whiteness is associated
with 'specific cultural and economic forms of
domination' (18) but is however 'historically
contingent and can change over time'. In some cases,
especially in the media, a particular type of
Whiteness is particularly valued — White
middle-class norms and values expressed in things
like appearance and language, and there may be
differences in terms of socio-economic background,
education, accent and so on. However 'the overriding
feature is that of Whiteness and the privilege
associated with it' [so contingency and change
didn't last long]
In one example Whiteness was used to exclude
nonWhites from buying particular kinds of property
[it actually seemed to be more like access to
selective mortgages]. This leads us to 'Whiteness as
property', and the notion of both individual and
collective actors, and 'institutional structures and
(un) conscious actors' (19) which maintain power and
support and usually obscure it through
rationalisations. [The start of the closed argument
that says whatever people say or do, they must be
maintaining White privilege]
CRT has fundamental principles — racism is endemic
and links to other forms of oppression such as the
commodification of land which led to Whiteness as
property as in Harris.
'One could argue that this type of sySTEMM works
today'. CRT also stresses '"interest convergence"'
(20) where interests of POC are only advanced if
they converge with the interests of White people.
Peggy McIntosh has talked about White privilege as a
weightless knapsack, operating at different levels
and in a complex way, unrecognised by many Whites.
[We start to get really circular now]
'Whiteness and White identity of based on a set of
social relations in which White people are at the
top of the hierarchy by virtue of their White
identity and as a result they hold power
(consciously or not) over those who are nonWhite'
(21). Whiteness is taken as a given not necessarily
recognised or acknowledged by many White people.
White identities get a better share of goods and
resources even though there are divisions in
hierarchies within Whiteness based on class
education accident and dress [she discusses gypsies
later].'but, the overriding identity will always
work as a form of privilege for White groups — over
and above that of Black or nonWhite groups'. [That
is, must do]
Identities are socially constructed but also
'situated in an objective social location' which can
shape experiences as well as understanding identity.
In this way we get a nice circularity '"identifying
as White means internalising and using privileges
and status associated with White supremacy"'
[quoting someone called Seeter]
In the USA the White working class saw themselves in
opposition to Black people and in competition for
jobs power and status, and Whiteness was a way of
protecting their own position [Sleeter again], and
this has been inherited as well as the actual
property in some colonialist societies and means
that White identity is taken for granted. 'No
nonWhite or Black person is able to' take their
identity for granted: they are constantly aware of
it and how they are positioned. White people can
resist pain where there will be disadvantage.
Institutional racism will 'be used by Whites as a
justification of their superior positions. This in
itself works to maintain, reinforce and privilege
Whiteness and White identity' [circular] (22).
One key area is the classroom, both in the US and
the UK. Teachers need to be critical of their own
identities and the impact their history has had,
'research suggests' [some people called Marx and
Pennington 2010 — looks like a CRT piece on pedagogy
in Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education
16 (one)]. Racism needs to be learnt. Eurocentric
curricula have to be examined especially in the
teaching of Black history.
Some people have said that White people experience
negative connotations from Whiteness, including
'"depression, helplessness and anxiety"', or guilt.
These people 'still benefit from their own identity
of Whiteness — whether they like it or not!'
(23). It might be connected to the perception of
colourblindness, where people profess to be
colourblind in order to suppress negative images, a
form of denial of the truth [she gets very close to
this claim of truth]. It is common to encounter
defensiveness as part of the reaction to affirmative
action programs, perceived as disadvantaging White
people by excluding them from the best schools and
universities, despite the claims that this is a
response to historical discrimination. 'Many White
people do not see the disadvantages that Black
people face due to racism and often dismiss those
disadvantages is being attributed to racism — this
in itself can be seen as a covert or unconscious
form of racism… "White talk"' [attributed to
somebody called McIntyre (1997)]. This is 'a
negative strategy' to deny complicity in
racism, often relying on popular stereotypes based
on deficits and negative thinking and beliefs that
Whites are just superior. It's linked to the
knapsack idea.
This might be unconscious where 'Whites are
unaware how their own beliefs affect their
interactions with Blacks, although many Whites to
operate at a conscious level and perpetuate their
own racism. These stereotypes disadvantage POC.
However, racism also happens 'covertly "… Conveyed
primarily through subtleties, face-to-face
interaction such as hostile staring, silence, joking
and labelling"' (24) [citing Riggins 2001, a book on
othering].
There can also be 'covert institutional ways that
appear to be nonracial and nonracist' [and? Or] a
new racism where racial discourse and language is
acceptable, a rearticulation of dominant racial
themes to be less overt and more apparently based on
resentment over things like affirmative action and
welfare, what Bonilla Silva and Forman call 'a new
racetalk'. It is ironic that many beneficiaries of
affirmative action in the USA have been White women.
Colourblindness can also be a form of race talk.
Whiteness continues to benefit White people
'regardless of their class (although it may work
differently for White working and middle class
groups) and other intersectional identities' (25).
It is embedded in institutions, White spaces.
Whiteness is afforded privilege that dominates all
the others, privileges only available to White
groups often at the expense of POC. Sometimes it is
used deliberately to suppress Black people and must
be understood from an antiracist perspective.
In the UK particularly, Whiteness has been given
attention recently although there is still
relatively little research. There is an argument
that Whiteness was weaker until the new Thatcher
government: even there the White working class
were demonised as well. CRT helps understand
how White privilege operates especially in
education, and Gillborn is a hero here. CRT goes
further than other limited understandings and he has
addressed intersectional analysis, suggesting that
White working class do benefit from Whiteness but
are also liminal and can be demonised where
necessary [and does this affect their sense of White
privilege?].
So she says that White privilege operates in 'subtle
and nuanced ways' as well, as when people push in
front of Black people or Black people are stopped at
customs. These examples reinforce White privilege
and we need to understand this by looking at the UK
and the US. 'While class is clearly important in the
narratives of acceptable and non-acceptable forms of
Whiteness, I argue that the identity of being White
— regardless of class — takes precedence' (27) and
other identities have an effect afterwards.
Whiteness produces 'a different discourse from which
judgements about individuals are made'. Whiteness
dominates all aspects of society and it always
positions POC as inferior or at least does so 'in a
society in which White identities predominate' [!].
In the USA we can see this arising from slavery and
other forms of otherness. In the UK there is
structural racism and a denial of it manifesting in
education the labour market health and poverty. This
helps deny that racism is a problem.
Chapter 3 Not White enough
It is a 'particular kind of Whiteness' that is
privileged and protected' (29), something which is
more acceptable and conforms to 'society's
expectations (for example paying taxes and being a
good citizen) '. It is often applied to middle-class
people and 'language, dress, education and taste'
distinguish them. Non-acceptably White people
include chaps from working class backgrounds who are
'uncouth, unworthy and unkempt' and also those from
'poor, White working class backgrounds'.
It is also applied to gypsy and traveller groups
[via a very long stretch]. They 'have a White ethnic
identity' but do not have the same advantages [which
include pay taxes and being law-abiding again!].
They are marginal and disadvantaged 'in education,
employment, housing and mental health'.
Gypsies and travellers originated in northern India
et cetera. Many current ones are bilingual. They are
internally diverse and now include New Age
Travellers. The Equality Act of 2010 now classifies
them as protected ethnic groups, and there is no
category on the census. They currently occupy 0.1%
of the population of England and Wales, and also,
66% of them say they have an English national
identity, and that they were Christians. They are
the least qualified group, especially the elderly.
47% of them are economically active compared to 63%
for England and Wales as a whole — the most common
reason they supply is that they are 'looking after
the family or the home' or are self-employed (26%
compared with 14% for England and Wales as a whole'
(30). They are more than twice as likely to live in
social housing, less likely to own their own homes,
more likely to suffer from poor health.
They have 'the lowest levels of educational
attainment of any ethnic group', for example in
2013/14 only 14% of children achieved at least five
A to C GCSEs, compared to 60% of other White
children. They are excluded more frequently and are
less likely to go into HE. They have accommodation
problems including an unavailability of authorised
sites [in this section, having to move from one
unauthorised site to another is seen as a problem,
making it 'difficult to settle' (32)]. Adequate
accommodation has long been associated with poor
health including mental health. There is less access
to GPs and primary care. There is a higher
proportion in prison, 4% in 2013/14, and they feel
unsafe and the victims of racism when they are
there. There are less likely to be senior
decision-makers. There are negative images,
perpetuated by the 'biased, racist and negative
stereotyping of these groups in the media' [no
empirical data].
Stereotypical images might explain why they
experience racism. These are based on images of
being 'dirty, thieves, aggressive, violent and
untrusting' (34), even in more favourable depiction
such as My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding which
stressed affluence and lavishness, only used to
suggest that they lacked taste as well as that they
were an underclass and poor citizens. This shows
that 'this Whiteness, associated with gypsies and
travellers is an unacceptable form of Whiteness'
[does it fuck]. They are also seen as not wanting to
live alongside non-Gypsy communities only mixing
with their own [which might be true, later pieces
suggest — even here, living with non-gypsies is seen
as 'a huge risk']. Media coverage and programmes
'have been shown to increase levels of racism and
prejudice' [no data] there have been complaints
about a Channel 4 poster campaign, for example [by
the London Travellers Unit].
There are differences in nomenclature between the UK
and Europe, where 6 million various ethnicities
live. The EU suggest that there is a joint
responsibility to integrate them and improve
conditions. They identify limited access to HE,
difficulties 'in integration into the labour
market', low income and poor health [integration is
an interesting word] and said that exclusion
'entails not only significant direct costs of public
budgets [but also]… Indirect costs through losses in
productivity"' (35) they therefore adopted an EU
policy to be interpreted by each nation to integrate
Roma [usual vague stuff]. Again she asserts that
there is evidence of stereotyping prejudice and
inequality, including overt racism [but does not
produce any].
Education is a good case study in the UK. They all
have a right to education under the UN Convention
which insists that the child's personality and
talents should be developed. However 'much of the
research seems to suggest' that they do not benefit
as much as other children from educational
experience, that they feel 'excluded and
dissatisfied… And… Marginalised when they disclose
their identity' (37). Schools policy to include
citizenship eventually included human rights, but
this did not affect the 'real experiences of many
minority ethnic groups — particularly those of
gypsies and travellers for whom schools in the
structure of education are not responsive to their
needs'. We know this because parents do not feel
that their cultures are valued respected and
understood [according to a study she part authored].
School attendance can be enforced [those were the
days], but gypsy and traveller children are exempt
'if they can prove that the families engaged in the
business that means they have to travel; if the
child has attended regularly while the families been
engaged in the business; and if the child has
attended for at least 200 half days during the
previous school year' (38). This can be seen as an
excuse for them not attending school.
The old Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant was
intended to meet the needs of minority ethnic people
especially if they had EAL and this funded Traveller
Education Services. In 2010, there was ring fenced
funding of £204 million, but this was banned and in
2011 and replaced by pupil premiums, another example
of failing to address inequality, the TES was
important and many gypsy and traveller families
relying on it. It helped raise awareness of their
culture within schools to help inclusivity and also
contributed to in-service training to break down
stereotypes. Many schools used it to acquire
teaching materials and resources.
Currently, 1/3 of local authorities have not
provided specific support for gypsy and traveller
pupils and families, and there have been severe cuts
in those that do. The Irish Traveller Movement in
Britain has complained that financial support
despite being recognised by the EC has not been
monitored and the obligations not upheld.
'There is a plethora of evidence to suggest that
gypsy and traveller children experience overt
racism, exclusion and marginalisation in schools,
both from their peers and from the teachers' [the
evidence is Bhopal and Myers 2016] (40), and
practice does not seem capable of dealing with this
coherently. This may also be 'related to a strong
leadership ethos' focusing on social justice and
equity. Inclusivity must be organised at different
levels. [However we begin to discover problems]
learning 'traditionally takes place in the home
environment and families continue to emphasise the
skills their children learn from watching copying
and working alongside their families' (41), and
'many feel' the schools do not recognise their
needs. They also feel racism and discrimination
shows a lack of understanding about culture and
lifestyle. There is a lack of understanding about
the [Gypsy] learning environment, because
education is defined as 'structured learning:
attending school at certain times, dedicated times
that subjects, structured homework and passing
exams… However the sySTEMM does not allow for
deviations… It does not account for learning taking
place in the home environment' (42). And many
parents do not feel that schools provide children
with the education suited to their needs 'or address
their cultural mores'. Schools do not necessarily
provide a safe environment. It would be better 'if
schools could accommodate the practicalities of
gypsy family life within a more flexible curriculum'
[how the fart would they do that?]
There is a fear of making complaints in case this
invokes further racism, and complainants are often
portrayed as villains, aggressive troublemakers.
[Again a bit of apology…] 'Traveller parents report
that their children are taught to "stick up for
themselves", a trait that is often interpreted as
"troublemaking"'. Skills often do not invoke
anti-bullying antiracism policies. Media stereotypes
confirm these images of aggression. The mere
presence of policies does not guarantee protection.
A case study of one family who are fairly affluent
and defined themselves as 'English gypsies', living
on a privately owned site. They took their daughter
out of school and home educated her because she was
being bullied and discriminated against by the
teachers. She felt that the teachers did nothing
about it. There were examples which produced
friction, for example when the child refused to do
PE lessons because her parents did not want her to
participate — 'the school were not very
understanding about this' and said they would not
offer special treatment. The worst racist kids were
working class kids living in social housing [and the
parents deployed a few stereotypes themselves here
about these people not working and getting
benefits]. Gypsies were treated worst of all. The
media were to blame. They admitted that they did
leave rubbish sometimes '"but that's not all of us.
There are good and bad apples"' (45). They had
experienced racism from the police and other
agencies. They felt they were not seen in the same
ways as other White people, especially the posh and
professionals, although the more working class ones
didn't like them either.
They seem to be the group still most at risk in the
education sySTEMM, and are still relatively
unexamined. Stereotypes are still bad. Agencies have
been cut. Overall, she insists they represent 'an
unacceptable form of Whiteness that is not worthy of
recognition or support' (46).
[Her own work seems to be: Bhopal and Myers (2009).
Gypsy, Roma and traveller pupils in schools in the
UK, inclusion and good practice. International
Journal of Inclusive Education 13 (three): 219
– 31, and Bhopal and Myers (2016). Marginal groups
in marginal times: gypsy and traveller parents and
home education in England, UK. British Educational
Research Journal, 42 (one) five – 20].
Chapter 4. Intersectionality:
gender, race and class
Class and gender position Black and minority ethnic
groups and stereotypes draw on these identities.
Again a certain type of Whiteness is dominant. Class
plays a major role in the position of individuals
via intersectionality. We need competing factors to
explain how experiences are affected by identities.
Crenshaw
introduced the concept first to attack essentialism
and the need to address multiple grounds of
identity, using legal examples and to redress the
failure of feminism to deal with race.
Intersectionality can also deal with White privilege
and how it 'takes centre stage' (48) with class and
gender only reinforcing it.[I don't thinnk Crensahw
argued this] There is a hint of a background
of risk society with increasing 'fear, turbulence
and insecurity' and emerging forms of difference.
Women can share identities of being Black, while
having competing ones such as their social class.
Similarly feminism tended to address the experiences
of White middle-class within only until challenged
by Black feminism. Other intersectional approaches
have addressed 'age sexuality language and religion'
[why stop at those?] (49). CRT made
intersectionality central with its focus on
recognising that experiences of oppressed people
have been '"distorted, ignored, silenced, destroyed,
appropriated, commodified and marginalised"' [Bell].
Race and racism is central but it interweaves and
intersects other identities, partly to build
advocacy. In the UK, differences among feminists
appeared to challenge essentialism. It sometimes
took the form of '"border theory"' to address how it
was possible to cross boundaries, others related it
to '"diaspora space" as people move through history
and geography. Others talk of mash up conceptions.
She suggests that the concept has led to new theory
to explain empirical complexity (50).
Inclusion and equity in HE in the UK seems to be
positive and encouraged, and addresses issues like
increasing the number of women in STEMM, for
example, or increasing support for transgender
persons [expressed in the Athena SWAN charter -- an
Advance HE paperchase], which stresses opportunities
for all individuals [and seems to stress gender].
Universities gain different grades of reward and
these may be linked to grant funding. Research
councils also expect some sort of commitment.
However, Athena with its focus on STEMM might be
seen to address particularly White middle-class
women, and it has largely ignored intersectional
identities, it is 'an example of the privileging of
Whiteness and White identity' (52), especially since
Black women from disadvantaged backgrounds tend to
be underrepresented in STEMM subjects and
professions.
This group has not been addressed as significantly.
There is a Race Equality Charter [another one] whose
awards institutions can apply for. There is a low
success rate so far. It's principles include
recognising that racist inequalities exist in HE as
'"an everyday facet of UK society"', manifested
everywhere (53). This is a challenge to the usual
view that covert racism can be dismissed as
anecdotal or personal. The race equality charter
insists that HEV needs to reach its full potential
by recognising the talents of all individuals,
avoiding deficit models, recognising diversity among
minority ethnic staff, and analysing key data.
There is also unconscious bias training. Unconscious
bias arises from 'our background and experiences
affecting the decisions and snap judgements we make
about people… On an unconscious level', but also a
conscious one. Decision-making may be affected on
recruitment and promotion which may reflect
'unconscious and implicit bias'. In the first case
'we are unaware of [it] and [it] happens outside
of our control. It is a bias that happens
automatically and is triggered by our brain making
quick judgements and assessments of people and
situations influenced by our background, culture
and environment and personal experiences"' [ECU
document] [NB Equality Challenge Unit is
nowpart opf Advance HE!]. Implicit bias on the other
hand 'questions the level to which these biases are
unconscious especially as we are being made
increasingly aware of them. Once we know that biases
are not always implicit, we are responsible for
them. We all need to recognise and acknowledge
biases'.
This may just be a tick box exercise [!], So
'mandatory unconscious bias training should be a key
requirement for those involved in recruitment and
promotion panels' because it can reduce bias in
shortlisting [reference to 2 pieces — one looks to
be a study of gender biases in American science
faculties (54)), but it might 'create feelings of
negativity towards Black and minority ethnic groups.
The ECU suggests a supportive environment for such
pain. King's College London holds a Bronze race
equality charter mark and offers workshops that
address unconscious bias which includes
'Implicit Association Tests', and a bias
training kit developed by the ECU: they made
training mandatory re-for senior staff. However,
there seems to be little understanding among senior
managers, another example of 'the protection of
White privilege' (55).
The Equality Act of 2010 consolidated earlier
legislation on equal pay, sex discrimination and
race relations and protects the rights of
individuals by imposing a legal duty 'to prevent and
eliminate discrimination'. It contains the famous
'"protected characteristics" [which ] include race,
age, disability, gender reassignment and
religion/belief'. There is also positive action on
recruitment and promotion which says that public
bodies must consider all individuals to shape policy
and deliver services and 'have due regard for and to
be working towards eliminating discrimination,
advancing equality of opportunity and fostering
positive relationships between individuals' (56).
There have been significant advances, but
inequalities persist.
BME people are 14% of the total population in
England and Wales, but 7% of staff in HE, in a
period of general expansion. They are less likely to
be in senior managerial roles (4%), less likely to
be in the top pay spine range, less likely to be
professors. Policy-making tends to have focused on
gender equality although 'Black and minority ethnic
women are the most disadvantaged groups in HE', and
often feel they have to be '"twice as good" as their
White colleagues. There is some evidence to suggest
that they feel they do not belong [her own work
again]. The Academy maintains White privilege by
excluding 'overtly and covertly' BME groups, while
promoting an inclusive agenda, but giving it little
academic attention. Any actual work is 'marginalised
and sidelined'. There is evidence to suggest that
BME academics are considering moves to overseas,
especially to the USA.
Whiteness means that White academics have to access
'a "network of knowns"', leading to particular
strategies grant them progress. There are unspoken
criteria for secure promotions and positions of
power, and access to White privilege grants it for
White academics. This needs to be explored by
universities.
Two case studies follow. In the first of Black
Caribbean working class female works in a large
post-1992 University and enjoys it. She is the only
Black member of staff. She has been promoted to
professor but struggles nevertheless and feels she
is an outsider and does not always fit in, for
example at graduation ceremonies. She is the first
person in her family to attend university and always
thought of universities as elite institutions. Her
parents thought she was very lucky, although she
thinks that '"race, gender and class dictated how
she was positioned in the Academy and that her
difference disadvantaged her and was used to
position her as an outsider"' (58). She noticed that
all the senior people were White for example. She
experienced covert and nuanced processes of
marginalisation, like being treated differently in
meetings — being ignored, not making eye contact,
feeling she had nothing to contribute. These 'subtle
covert behaviours have been well documented…
Micro-aggressions [as in] Sue et
al.' (59). In this case, they perpetuated
Whiteness even though the colleagues were sometimes
unaware of their actions. She felt excluded from
networks like those developing external
relationships outside the institution, like funding
bodies and journals: here she blames 'race and her
working class identity'. There are also 'ways of
being, doing and knowing' that she did not share.
In the second case, a male Black gay
African-American works in a non-research intensive
university in the midwest USA, and comes from a
manual working class background. He feels
marginalised and stereotyped, because people don't
associate Black masculinity and being gay. His
sexuality is the thing that seems to define him,
although being Black 'separated him from his
colleagues' more than his sexuality or class
background did — you can't see that he is gay. There
is a Black academic elite in the USA but this is
'influenced by class positioning'. However a higher
social class 'did not preclude or dominate the
identity of Whiteness' which he feels is always
there in the background keeping him in his place, an
unspoken privilege, a notion of 'direct entitlement
to a space' (52). Universities have a policy of
diversity, but the practice still preserves White
people in power. He admits that the USA is 'a
country that has always had racial tension'. The
election of a Black president has encouraged the
colourblind.He feelsalienated. Racism 'remains
endemic' in US society.
[Generally, not really about intersectionality,
more a denial of it.Gender is a diversion,
forexample. Race outbids class in the USA. The case
studies carry the evidence anyway. Note the
differnces between the US and the UK too --the
history especially and the issue of elites and their
networks. Sue is introduced to bolster a lot of it
-- being ignored etc could be done to any outsider.
Case study 1 can't tell if it is class or race, I
also liked the jokey ECU and was notsurprised it was
a talkshop that ledto a few femalepromotions if
any! ]
Chapter 5 race schooling and exclusion.
We are still seeing disadvantage for minority ethnic
groups in primary schooling, where there is
'"entrenched racial stereotyping and discrimination
on the one hand, and antiracist activism on the
other"' [citing Alexander Arday and others, the
Runnymede trust]. The original duty to report
racist incidents has been replaced by the Equality
Act which imposed a mere duty and a need for '"due
regard"' and periodic review, with no actual
records.
Then some recent figures showing the proportions of
increase, especially White British Asian and other
background, with the Chinese as the highest
performing ethnic group at GCSE level is an Black
Caribbean below the national average, with
Gypsy/Roma at the bottom. The greater complexity of
the school system with free schools and academies
and so on has produced no 'evidence to suggest that
the introduction of different schools [increases]
real school choice for parents from Black and
minority ethnic backgrounds' (68), for example with
free schools, and many are not adhering to the legal
requirements of equality and diversity anyway.
Overall there has been a lack of monitoring and
deregulation. There has been a decrease in permanent
school exclusions, but an increase in fixed term
exclusions especially in primary schools, and ethnic
minority pupils experience disproportionate rates
although White pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds
also have 'high rates'. Again Gypsy/Roma traveller
children have the highest rates. We are talking
about three times the rates for Black Caribbean and
mixed children. Asian and Chinese have the lowest
rates.
There is evidence to suggest a greater likelihood of
being disadvantaged 'because of race religion
or ethnicity' and lots of research suggests that
this does have a significant impact on school
experiences and achievements, and mental health.
There is no longer a requirement to record racist
bullying and so these incidents 'are underreported
and under recorded; this may be due to a lack of
leadership in schools a lack of staff training'
(70). An OFSTED report shows that racist language is
'commonplace' and there have been more requests for
counselling to ChildLine for racist bullying.
The controversy about British Values began in 2014
with statutory guidance. She wants to question what
British values and culture actually are and suspects
they are based on 'British imperialism and/or
colonialism'. She quotes the original definition on
71. She discusses the Trojan horse affair which
sparked the controversy and the finding of the
report that there was no radicalisation although
there was a lack of coordination. Many teachers feel
uncomfortable about BV and see it as cultural
supremacy, according to an NUT conference in 2016.
They wanted to replace it with the notion of
international rights. It was particularly difficult
with kids who had experienced British colonialism,
although there were people who argued that teachers
are being fifth columnists. There is still
controversy about the Prevent strategy.
In 2013 there were statutory guidelines for the
teaching of citizenship at KS3 and 4, aimed at
raising awareness of democracy and government and
how laws were made, and the UK government. It
continues to be taught in schools, often subsumed
under PHSE, and is combined with Prevent and the
citizenship agenda.
Prevents guidance places a duty on specified
authorities to prevent people being drawn into
terrorism and all educational institutions are
expected to comply. In schools staff have to
identify vulnerable children and prevent them from
radicalisation as part of their care policy.
Definitions have always been controversial and
issues of teacher training have arisen. For her, the
argument 'suggests the narrative and rhetoric of
race has been pushed into a new direction — one that
is associated with terrorism, fear and othering'
(74), a 'blame culture' in which BME are a threat, a
polarisation of the discourse about difference, a
heightening of the moral panic, an exacerbation of
Islamophobia. For her, it all means that 'the
predominance of Whiteness and White privilege
dictates that those who do not hold "British
values", those who are 'different" and those who do
not conform to "Britishness" pose a threat' (75. The
Prevent strategy ignores evidence that there may be
no direct link between radicalism and terrorism —
she cites a study by Horgan 2014 here The
Psychology of Terrorism. Routledge]. It is
particularly aimed at radical Islam. Over 900
children were being identified as at risk of
radicalisation 2012 to 2015, including 84 under the
age of 12. It has also changed the teacher pupil
relationship into one where teachers are expected to
be 'vigilant spies' (75) and to seeing ethnic groups
as the enemy. There is still no clear measurement of
its effectiveness and a suspicion that it can be
counter-productive, a UN special rapporteur says
[they are not usually very reliable]. More
independent critics have suggested an independent
review and more positive initiatives to get young
British Muslims to engage. The moral panic is shared
in the US, and in one example, a kid who brought a
dummy clock to school led to a media frenzy and
death threats.
'There is a great deal of evidence' that teachers
are not fully equipped to understand the experiences
of BME pupils. They fail to recognise their own
Whiteness and White privilege and how this can
affect teaching. They also stereotypes [reference in
this case is to Gillborn]. Teacher training should
address this. As it is, some students are expected
to fail, often Black ones. Nor are teachers equipped
to deal with racism. Many lack knowledge of the
history and contribution of ethnic communities and
the curriculum tends to be ethnocentric with White
British history considered the normal. White
students receive a 'parochial, liberal (often male)
history curriculum characterised by "White"
success', while BME have messages that their
histories are on the periphery [there are single
references for most of the statements — this one
again is Doharty in the Runnymede trust reader].
This illustrates 'the type of knowledge that is
considered legitimate' instead of racism,
marginalisation and exclusion and is part of the
process of othering. There should be a focus instead
on '"universal values and exploring knowledge that
is more appropriate to an ethnically diverse and
rich society"' [quoting Crozier in the Runnymede
trust reader]. In the US case, high school
completion is measured differently by freshman
graduate routes and cohort graduate rates and
whether or not people obtain a high school diploma
within four years. Again the data suggests that
ethnic groups are below the national average despite
the goal of closing the achievement gap. There's
been some narrowing. Black students are four times
more likely to be suspended than White ones even
though that has declined, so 'inequalities in the US
continue to persist despite significant advances in
race equality policy making. The race achievement
gap has barely narrowed in the last 50 years' (80).
The main factors here seem to be increased school
segregation, harsh discipline and lack of investment
in poor Black schools where highly qualified
teachers do not want to work.
The case studies. One is a Black working class
Caribbean woman who is now a teacher in an inner
city ethnically mixed primary. She feels she was not
adequately teacher trained, nor prepared to
understand the issues of BME kids and the effects of
racism. She noted stereotypes, including those of
the culture of Black families and their problems at
home, low expectations, partly based on the ability
of White parents to relate to teachers and their
possession of 'social and cultural capital', another
example of 'the predominance of White privilege in
relation to class privilege' (82), although this
teacher was not sure if there was racism — another
kind of discrimination certainly. She wanted to see
more Black teachers with higher expectations of
Black kids.
In the second case a secondary school teacher in the
Midlands and the UK was Muslim and female and wore a
hijab, and taught in a predominantly White British
school. She saw an increase in anti-Muslim
sentiment, which she saw as coming from parents. She
saw the teaching of BV and Prevent had increased
tensions and assumptions that Muslims are
terrorists, especially if there had been a terrorist
attack[!]. She was treated by parents with some
discomfort or surprise that she did not conform to
stereotypes, but she was aware that 'her own
identity of being a female Muslim wearing a high jab
positioned her as an outsider', and this was
permanent.
So policies failed and have, if anything,
increasingly marginalised and alienation in BME,
especially BV and Prevent. 'At its core is a
privileging of White ethnocentric identity, designed
to marginalise and exclude Black and minority ethnic
groups' (85). Children who do not identify with the
'norms of Whiteness' are seen as a threat. Schools
are 'used to maintain and privilege Whiteness at the
same time as asserting its dominance over Black and
minority groups. Whiteness works to perpetuate and
reinforce White racial superiority.' [A great
deal of drift here from the discussion]. Any
discussion of the failures of the education system
'threatens White privilege and White stability, and
is replaced by a rhetoric that blames "the other"'
(85) [Don't talk about class or gender -- it
will only be disguising race -- new racetalk]
Chapter 6 higher education, race and
representation.
BME students have increased although not to Russell
group universities which suggests 'processes of
racial exclusion [which 'exclude those from nonWhite
backgrounds' (81) [just below this is rendered as
maintaining] 'the elite position of universities
which are based on White middle-class acceptance' [not
just White then?]
BME students also do not do as well as White
students in terms of measures of success such as
degree class obtained, employment after university,
or progression to postgrad. [Detailed page 88].
Black students also have more women members. There
is some evidence that universities have been
'reluctant to think about how these aspects of
inequality can be addressed' [the reference here is
to the ECU].
Labour in 1999 proposed to widen attendance to 50%
and this has had an impact, although HE remains
segregated — and Russell group universities are
largely White, and middle-class and privately
educated. — For example 55% of privately
educated children go to Russell group institutions,
40% of all undergraduates at Oxbridge were privately
educated, despite recent attempts to improve access
for disadvantaged backgrounds. Reay is cited to show
that there may be '"strong processes of positive
discrimination"' (90), and says it is not just an
issue of class but race as well, although BME
students are also likely to come from a low SES
background. Oxbridge preserves inequalities as elite
studies show.
Unequal access to Russell group 'suggests that this
demonstrates universities use mechanisms to protect
and preserve places in elite universities for White
students as an act of White privilege which is used
to enhance their own position of elitism to maintain
their power' (91) [no actual evidence for this
suggestion, of course, although there is
evidence that Black Pakistani and Bangladeshis with
the same A-level grades are 'substantially less
likely to be offered places' [and the reference here
is Oliver in the Runnymede trust volume — she has
also written a piece in Sociology in
2016]. Oliver thinks this is unconscious bias since
ethnicity is not included at the application stage —
she actually says '"unconscious bias cannot be ruled
out"'. There are other studies that show the offer
rates are lower for BME even though they are equally
well qualified. The answer may be name blind
applications and some universities participating in
a trial, although UCAS thinks that '"there is
insufficient evidence of a problem"' to implement
the change [cf the study on names on applications
for jobs in the US -- Reilly].
Students also have to adopt middle-class
[NB] practices — 'ways of writing, speaking and the
use of academic language' (92) and this is already
possessed by those from White middle-class
backgrounds. For others, feelings of unworthiness or
shame follow from the results. Norms of behaviour
are 'racialised and divided by class, as well as
ethnicity'. An NUS report found many Black students
felt rejected. The Eurocentric curriculum was
blamed, as was 'biased marking, hate crime on campus
and the lack of Black academics as role models'
(93). Some universities are develop mentoring
schemes to encourage discussions of racism and
challenge the structure of the Academy. However, the
conversations are normally '"considerably watered
down"', and there are few policies and strategies to
address racism or the deficit model.
Postgraduate numbers have also increased, at the
expense of part-time students and STEMM students,
largely due to lack of funding. There is not so much
research here, but a recent HEFCE report looks at
the route taken to reach postgrad study,
transitions,, and concludes that 'disadvantaged
students are less likely to continue'(94). BME
ethnic graduates are more likely than White ones to
take postgrad taught degrees, but less likely to
enter into PHE's. Access to funding might be an
issue. [More like the saturation of the market by
Noddy taught degrees and considerable youth
unemployment].
Campaigns include '"why is my curriculum White"' at
UCL, Rhodess must fall, and others. These protest
against a divided society in which 'those from
privileged backgrounds are able to prosper and in
which Whiteness predominates'. [This whole
discussion assumes that the privileges of Whiteness
are not universal, of course].
There are some data on the USA, 96 – 99, showing an
increase in BME groups, but the same problems with
the attainment of a fully meritocratic society, and
the role of cultural and social capital, and social
networks, although 'in the US, racial diversity is
considered one of the defining features of the
University, particularly in relation to positioning
in league tables' (99). Affirmative action has also
been in existence since the 60s and many selective
universities use it. There are positive benefits
'for all students'. But racism is still dominant —
White Americans still hold 'overtly racist abuse',
and negative attitudes towards affirmative action,
even though 'the main beneficiaries of affirmative
action are White women' (100). There are more
efforts to provide an inclusive curriculum, such as
degrees on Black history and culture, although there
are still power inequalities. '"Doing diversity"'
can cause resentment among White people who see it
as special treatment. They often advocate a
'"diversity bargain"' — those benefiting from
affirmative action have to give something back,
mostly by educating their peers, and not
over-competing with White people. Many White
students still think they have earned their place
'despite the wealth of evidence which suggests that
this is not the case' (101). There are still racial
inequalities with elite universities, so 'Whiteness
and White privilege dominate to maintain and
reinforce the Whiteness of higher education
institutions', despite colourblindness which
'dictates that [White people] failed to see how they
benefit from their own White identity and White
privilege'. Instead, racism is seen as 'the
individual acts of the small number of people'
rather than a matter of structural disadvantages,
institutional racism, as in Bonilla Silva's
suggestion that White people perceive a system of
'racism without [themselves as] racists'. This also
leads to a denial of the importance of social
policies, a way of legitimising the system. In terms
of US HE, inequalities in admission processes may be
increasing, because White students 'were able to
legitimise and justify their attendance… Because
they believe it is a meritocracy'. It is also an
example of [convergence] where diversity and
inclusion is supported 'as long as their White
privilege remains intact and unthreatened' (102).
So 'universities are key spaces which Whiteness and
White identities predominates — White groups are
represented in senior roles. The curriculum is
evidence. Policies on diversity inclusion social
justice are too. As a result, 'elite universities
are the epitome of the legitimation and reproduction
of institutional racism' (103), but they also
reinforce class inequalities [again]. The rhetoric
of inclusion is 'rarely evidenced in practice or
outcomes' (103).
Chapter 7. Racism and bullying in
the UK
[Before the Evens report]. Two U.K. case studies,
one about parents' complaints about racism in
schools and the other about racism experienced by
academics in HE. White identities are protected
after complaints and Equality Acts have only
marginalised the complainantS.
There is now a legal requirement for all state
schools to encourage positive behaviour and prevent
bullying. They must abide by the Equality Act of
2010 which makes it '"unlawful to discriminate
against, harass or victimise"' a pupil (106).
Bullying is a child protection issue and must be
reported to the L EA, and external services can be
consulted. A holistic approach should be adopted.
There is however no single definition of bullying
although the DFE sees it as repeated behaviour
'"intended to hurt someone either physically or
emotionally, often aimed at certain groups (because
of their race, religion, gender or sexual
orientation). It may take many forms…"' (107).
In 2012, 88,000 'racist incidents were recorded in
British schools between 2004 and 2011', and 90 areas
provided data showing that '87,915 cases of racist
bullying were reported to schools'. Schools have a
statutory duty to record and report these and are
expected be proactive, although the specific duties
for reporting and monitoring have been scrapped
after 2010: racist incidents might have increased
just before. There may be a [dark number of
unreported incidents]. There has been further
weakening by the Coalition Government in terms of
watering down the need to publish equality
objectives and monitoring. The TUC saw this as
threatening the aims of equality.
Media rhetoric about immigration and refugees is at
the centre of the increase in racist bullying, and
so is 'the increase in the numbers of racist
incidents reported post Brexit' [we've seen this
argued in chapter 2]. In 2013 more than 1400
children, cnntacted ChildLine for counselling about
racist bullying, including Islamophobia. The NSPCC
also reports an increase in the experience of
bullying and says that 'more than 16,000 children
were absent from school because of bullying' [not
necessarily racist bullying]. Up to '20 children per
day were excluded due to incidents of racist abuse
towards peers' and 4000 cases of racial abuse led to
fixed or permanent exclusions in 2016 [we don't know
about the ethnicity of the perpetrators, though —
these are newspaper reports].
In HE, the image of equality and diversity is
misleading because universities are still dominated
by 'those with White middle-class backgrounds', as
she argued (109). 'There is evidence to suggest that
racism persists' in HEI's (110), according to a
report by UCU [which seems to have covered a sense
of inclusion or exclusion in decision-making and
'"whether they had been subject to cultural
insensitivity"' — a sample of 631. 90% also said
they have experienced barriers to promotion and were
not supported adequately. They also said they had
been bullied or harassed by managers or colleagues.
Overall, UCU say that the survey '"suggests that
racism is present in our colleges and universities"'
(111). There is a feeling that raising concerns only
leads to further isolation, a failure of
leadership].
An ECU report also found that BME academics 'are
more likely to consider a move overseas' and that
they wanted universities to take more specific
action about inclusion. They also provided examples
of inappropriate behaviour going '"a lack of
awareness that the behaviour was offensive and
covert unsubtle forms of racism"'. Again it was
difficult to complain. The introduction of the REC
seems to have had little effect [surprise!]
Students are also 'more likely to have racist,
biased attitudes towards lecturers who are from BME
backgrounds' (112), using National Student Survey
data which showed that such academics were 'more
likely to receive lower teaching scores and negative
feedback'. There is also a study by Bell and Brooks
[2016) University of Reading research report,
analysing the NSS teaching scores that says that
'unconscious bias [is] apparent in students'
reporting': 'for each 1% rise in the number of
academic staff who are White, there was an
equivalent 0.06% increase in student satisfaction'
[very unconvincing], with ethnicity of lecturers as
the 'second most significant effect on the results
as a whole' [possibly more convincing]. Students
were apparently happiest when taught by staff who
were '"White, full professors, and holding
doctorates"'. League table positions and academic
recruitment might be affected. There is similar data
in the US based on comments left by students on Prof
rating websites. These findings are little
addressed.
In the first case study a Black Caribbean British
family living in a relatively affluent village on
the south coast are one of only two such families.
Their child was picked on at school, eventually
taking on a racist element — kids said they did not
like Blacks in the school and that Blacks could get
out. When they approached the head, she denied it
and tried to blame the kid and his personality, and
said the parents had complained too much. School
policy was not followed. Eventually they made a
formal complaint and the L EA investigated — they
found no evidence of racism, and the parents thought
that because it was denied. They removed their kid
from school and went to another one but were upset
by the denials. The shows how the victims of racism
can become villains if they complain, and how Black
people are positioned as others and how Whiteness is
protected.
The second case study involves a female Reader in a
Russell group university who began to be belittled
by a colleague, making comments and jokes, tried to
catch her out, being negative in meetings. She spoke
to a manager who said it was just a clash of
personalities and brushed it aside. The colleague
also made negative and derogatory comments about
Muslim students and female students with children —
'"those kinds of people"' should not be here. She
had children. She was ignored in meetings.
Eventually she went to the union and made a
complaint, but returned from study leave to find
that the colleague had been promoted to a chair and
made director of research — the Reader left the
University.
'There is evidence to suggest that [this] case is
not unique' (118) [where is it?]. It is an
acceptance of covert racism and the reinforcement of
Whiteness, dismissed as a clash of personalities and
the perpetuation of White privilege. Covert racism
is masked by 'the performance of nonracist
behaviours' and managers are complicit in this. This
might be an unintended consequence of the Equality
Act 2010 which '"homogenised general characteristics
and by doing so [blurred] the specificity of
differences (such as race and gender for example)
[and led institutions to] focus on overarching
generic concerns"' [citing her own work — 2014,
London: LFHE]. This is an example of what was
described earlier as 'a new "race talk"' [Bonilla
Silva] which enables White groups to 'avoid
appearing to be racist' (119). It arises because the
EDI field is also uneven in terms of power.
Chapter 8 racial inequalities in the
labour market.
The process of racism means that 'BME groups are
less likely to occupy positions of power in the
labour market' and why these inequalities persist
over time. They persist despite greater numbers
entering HE. Qualifications do have an effect on
transitions of the labour market, so blocks to
postgrad research will have direct impact, but
inequality is also related to 'high levels of
property'.
BME groups are also 'less likely to be economically
active' and this is still the case in 2011 [Census],
7– 10% less than White groups. There is variation
between ethnic groups, with 'less than half of
Pakistani and Bangladeshi people in employment and
only 40% of gypsies and travellers' (123). There are
differences in the likelihood to be unemployed, and
gender differences. There are different proportions
in low skilled occupations, with a preponderance of
'Pakistani (59%), Black African (54%), and
Bangladeshi (53%)' men (124). The discrepancies
increase when considering women and unskilled work.
Inactivity may be explained by 'student activity,
long-term sickness or disability, family and
domestic responsibilities or retirement' (125)
[according to the census 2011--in that order?] There
is concentration in particular sectors, for example
accommodation and food wholesale and retail health
and social work. EHRC suggest 'vast
disparities', including in unemployment rates
[nearly double those for Whites in 2013]. They are
much less likely to gain apprenticeships. And to
earn 21% less on average on graduation. Long-term
unemployment is worse, and the recession seems to
have affected those on Black backgrounds, both men
and women. Their employment is less secure, for
example 'involuntary temporary employment' [twice
that of Whites in 2014], and youth unemployment is
higher, especially among Muslim groups and Muslim
women.
There is already a discussion about the lack of BME
in senior decision-making in HE, which now extends
to occupations generally. For example the FTSE 100
only has 5% BME representation. Lower pay is
characteristic especially for Bangladeshi men.
Religion seems to be a factor, with Sikhs and
Muslims experiencing a higher pay gap. 'Higher
education qualifications do not make a difference to
these inequalities' (129), and indeed 'the
differential pay gap is at its widest for those with
university degrees'. However, 'parental background
and geographical location are significant
determinants', but she insists 'if you are from a
Black or minority ethnic group rather than if you
are a White British graduate' (130), and parental
support seems important — even here those without it
show an ethnic difference [these are all EHRC data].
[I must say there is strong evidence of a
mobilisation of bias here].
Even those who graduate from elite universities 'are
more likely to be in jobs for which they are
overqualified' [according to Lindley drawing upon
the Labour Force Survey], and spend longer
unemployed. Access to social networks may be crucial
and access to social capital, and here White
middle-class backgrounds could be important, say in
finding unpaid internships. Overall, '"higher
education achievement failed to protect ethnic
minority men and women against unemployment"',
especially in recessions. Overall 'one clear reason
for this is the discrimination and racism they face'
in access and once employed, in gaining advancement
[according to Li, in the Alexander and Arday
Runnymead publication].
Back to access and net works, there might also be
a tendency to remain in the local area which
will influence labour market outcomes. This means
reliance on parental networks and that can bring
'ethnic penalties' (132) [bit of special pleading
here]. It affects working class graduates as well.
It is apparently a complex relation between ethnic
group population size and labour market outcome,
however, and racist discrimination must be
addressed. The public sector should also try to
redress the situation. The differences seem to have
existed over time, both between and within different
ethnic groups, and these might be 'further linked to
location and geography' (133) such as 'living in a a
deprived neighbourhood', or living in areas where
work is not available and this might particularly
affect ethnic minorities [not in London, says Sewell
— Sewell
is badly needed here]
Self-employment might be a route to escape and it
has increased, but is also produced winners and
losers and not reduced the overall ethnic minority
penalty. Even if BME groups are overrepresented in
some occupations this can 'lead to a possible
segregation and stereotyping of certain jobs,
resulting in processes of discrimination for entry'
(134). This can produce 'occupational segregation'.
Overall, 'the labour market is a structure in which
White privilege continues to dominate' (134) [and
all these other things], and this has not been
affected by increased access to HE, because elite
occupations are still predominantly White. The link
between poverty and labour market participation
persists. Discrimination based on ethnicity and race
still takes place 'at different points in the labour
market [the reference here is Bourn — report for the
stationary office, 2008]. Recession has
unequal effects, there may also be an effect of
ethnic minority groups having '"youthful age
structures"' [see Reilly on
this]. Educational qualification might have
explained employment rates in the past, but changes
in access have had little effect at the moment.
The TUC has described the harsh reality for BME
people of having a '"much tougher time in the job
market"' and has urged a race equality strategy to
redress it, including greater transparency,
anonymized applications in the public sector, and
the monitoring of ethnicity as a variable in annual
reports, especially on recruitment. Another report
found the lack of Black role models in the civil
service. Demoralising, and the possible existence of
'an "old boys club"' (137) 'unconscious bias and
discrimination' is persistent [the reference here is
a civil service report of 2015 produced by the
stationary office on barriers to BME staff
progressing]. The DWP also gathered data on
differentials by group and sector. The TUC found
inequalities between equally qualified groups — 'for
example Black workers with degrees earned 23.1% less
on average than White workers with degrees' (137,
and differentials persist between those with the
same A-levels and GCSE grades.
Case studies. The first one is a Black British male
in the final year of studying politics of the
Russell group university, on track to get a 2:1, but
sceptical about getting a job in journalism. He felt
his ethnicity would be a determining factor with
strong competition, including those with more
experience. He felt there would also be
discrimination, not so much overt but based on
employers and the image of their organisation, and
the stereotypes they might hold. He felt the
situation had got worse, related to 'political
events such as Brexit in the recent election of
Donald J Trump' (139). He was considering postgrad
instead but could not afford it. He was sure that
entering a profession that is mainly White would
involve more discrimination. He noticed ethnic
differences in employment at his own university.
The second case study involved a woman who felt she
would be discriminated against 'because of her
religion and ethnicity' (140) — she was a proud
British Muslim and wore a headscarf. She felt the
university was safe with nice people who were not
overtly racist. Again she was worried about Brexit
and Trump. She expected to get a good degree but
also to be judged according to what she was wearing
and the fear people have of Muslims. The EU vote was
particularly significant.
Overall, 'the increase in racist incidents post
Brexit has further marginalised BME communities'
(141 and that's contributed to the inequalities.
White privilege in the labour market is expressed
covertly and overtly and there is an ethnic penalty
even for the highly qualified. Some sections 'are
reserved for Whites only — positions where Whiteness
is used to reinforce power and status' [again
some ambivalence there about what determines what]
(142). There may be pressure to adhere to
equality legislation, but this can only perpetuate a
myth that there is inclusion. Instead, White
identity can bring privilege, and 'White groups work
to protect their own positions of dominance and
advantage — at all costs'.
Chapter 9 wealth poverty and
inequality
This time, 'poverty and inequality is related to
processes of racism'(143). Poverty impacts
differentially on different groups, but they are all
more likely to experience poverty than the White
group [is this so?]. There are differences in
poverty levels within and between BME groups, for
example related to 'gender and ethnicity'. There is
a direct impact from the labour market and
geographical location [described as 'significant'
144 — the term she uses is '"spatial mismatch"'].
This can lead to 'the segregation of different
communities, which will further impact on poverty
[so what the policy implications here? Levelling
up?].
Recessions have an overall impact, for example on
holding average wages below the rate of inflation,
although this has not been uniform, young graduates
were badly hit, for example, as were young people,
which might have had an additional effect on BME
groups 'as such groups tend to have younger age
structures' (145).
Poverty can be defined differently, for example in
terms of housing. And here 26% of Pakistani or
Bangladeshi people lived in substandard housing
'compared with 21% of those on White backgrounds'
[EHRC], and the same affected children from BME
backgrounds. Even more differences affected those
living in overcrowded housing. There were overall
higher child poverty rates in all BME groups
although there are differences within — for example
individuals in BME groups were about twice as likely
to be living in poverty than White groups in 2012.
In terms of relative poverty 41% of children in
households headed by a BME parent were more likely
to be living in poverty, again nearly twice as many
as four White children. This will also lead to
greater negative impact.
'One reason for [higher rates of unemployment] is
the result of overt and covert discrimination by
which the processes of White privilege are
perpetuated and reinforced' [only one reason] (147).
Living in deprived areas may further restrict
opportunities, producing 'a "double disadvantage"'
(148), and this is more likely for BME groups
especially Pakistani and Bangladeshi [cf the debate
in Sewell about whether this reflects racism In
allocation, or cultural factors].
There are inequalities in health, including mental
health, again from HRC — seven times more
probability of Black African women being detained
under the Mental Health Act, and other specifics.
The same sort of patterns appear with physical
health, including 'a lack of information available
in different languages and relevant information on
different family and religious values' (149).
[A brief discussion of US evidence shows roughly the
same patterns, although this time there are
variables with family types including single parent
families, and differences with Hispanic ethnic
groups, and parental education, married parents, and
coverage by health insurance. There are links with
civil unrest. There is a suggestion that
neighbourhood variables are the result of deliberate
policy choices to increase segregation (152), as
well as gentrification and legally enforced zoning.
There has been little change especially in the
prospect for Black children.]
[So the US case is extended to the UK again].
Chapter 10 conclusions: race social
justice and equality
She is especially interested in change in the UK
education system 'where White privilege should be
addressed and challenged' (155). At the moment 'White
identities are privileged and remain protected at
all times'. [She summarises the arguments in
each, and argues that the UK and the US, 'despite
differences', together show that Whiteness is a form
of privilege, at least 'in current discourse has
been used as a rhetoric to reinforce the identity of
Whiteness as superior. Examples include the
recent vote by the British people to leave the EU,
fuelled by reinforcement of "British" identity and
the threat of an invasion of immigrants'.
Leave was followed by a significant rise in the
number of racist and hate crimes, 'Brexit was an "us
vs them" battle in which White privilege was used to
separate those who belonged and those who did not,
and racism was used as a vehicle to promote this'
(155 – 6).
In the US, the election of Trump has made things
worse. And he has denounced Mexicans and Muslims.
However there are acceptable and non-acceptable
forms of Whiteness 'based on the intersections of
class, Whiteness and White privilege' (156). Media
images are important in demonising gypsies and
travellers and they 'constitute a new underclass,
forgotten and ignored'. This is 'racism that is
fuelled by the media… Racism that is acceptable
towards an unacceptable form of Whiteness' (157)
In chapter 4 she argues that 'White identity
predominates, but this White identity is also
related to class identity. White middle-class
identity is privileged above all others'. We see
this in HE. In schooling, children are 'affected
by their race and in turn their class'. Race
can be seen in the scrapping of legal requirements
to report racism and the Prevent strategy, and the
general lack of importance of race within policy. In
HE, there is the continuing dominance of 'a White
elite' (158) and more 'subtle, covert and nuance'
racism: the Eurocentric curriculum, as an example.
There may have been an increase in BME students
attending, but they are still less likely to attend
elite universities or gain the best degrees and this
is a perpetuation of the privilege of Whiteness.
Back to schools, there has been an increase in
bullying and much of it 'is related to racism and
Islamophobia' (158). There are also increasing
reports in HEI's. There is also discrimination in
the form of lack of promotion and bullying from
managers and colleagues. If complaints are made 'White
privilege operates to protect White identities',
and complaints are dismissed as a clash of
personalities or overprotective parents. Neoliberal
policies have also reinforced White privilege.
In the labour market 'White privilege… [Keeps]…
Black and minority ethnic groups out of certain
professions which maintain their own status of
Whiteness and White privilege' (159), despite
an emphasis on equality and diversity. Race also
affects wealth poverty and inequality, thanks to 'a
system of privilege' which can have a cumulative
effects trapping people in cycles of poverty [so
choosing to live in a local area is also part of
White privilege?]
Significant changes are needed, although 'racism may
never be eradicated'. We must challenge White groups
in positions of power, for example in the UK
education system where there is a requirement to
demonstrate inclusion social justice and equity. We
need to hold these institutions accountable. They
must acknowledge 'institutional racism and White
privilege' (160). They must monitor racist incidents
and show how racism is to be addressed with clear
strategies. They must introduce unconscious bias
training as mandatory for all staff, or at
least for those in recruitment and
promotion
They need more visible BME staff in senior
roles, and need to analyse staff profiles to
support such staff and address their specific
needs. The REC is a positive
move but it is too early to tell if it will make a
difference — maybe we should link it to funding
and whether student fee increases could be capped
according to successful completion. Elite
universities especially should recruit more BME
students, may be especially Oxbridge — there
should be name blind applications. The private
education system also perpetuates and reinforces
White privilege. We need a quota system for BME
students. There should also be outreach programs
to coach applicants and awards and bursaries and
scholarships, as in the USA, and this should be
extended to post grads.
Policy so far has only reinforced inequalities
which 'stem from racist and exclusionary practices
that continue to perpetuate White privilege and
White dominance'. (163). Post-racial society is a
myth, and racism 'exists at every level of
society… It is alive in all elements of society,
our popular culture, media, and the social spaces
that we occupy' [they suggest in their new book.
The problem is the neoliberal context for
policy-making which fails to acknowledge the role
of race and inequality. It produces 'judgements of
values… About who is deserving… Who belongs' (164)
and race is a key marker of difference. In this
context 'White groups [are] doing everything
within their overwhelming power to protect and
perpetuate their own positions and status' [with
dog whistles to Brexit and Trump again]. |
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