Notes on: Bhopal, K. (2018) White Privilege.The myth of a post-racial society.  Bristol: Policy Press.

Dave Harris

[Classic stuff offering circular arguments to defend the notion of White privilege. Very worried about Brexit and Trump as racist]

NB I have used abbreviations like BME and POC-- she spells them out

Chapter 1

POC are positioned as outsiders because our society values Whiteness and White privilege, although it likes to portray an image of a post-racial society, denying 'vast inequalities' (one). Policy-making has exacerbated these inequalities. Neoliberalism stresses the free market and the drive to privatise public services in the name of greater individualism and responsibility, but this protects Whiteness and disadvantages POC.

Olssen is used to define neoliberalism — individual self interest, unrestricted flows of capital, reductions in the cost of labour, privatisation, witHErawal of government. It has had an effect although it has also 'created less choice and less opportunity', for example the policy to increase parental choice, which only applies to middle-class people and which reinforced divisions based on class and race. There is a value placed on 'entrepreneurship, value for money and profit' (3) which suggests that it is a class project designed to redistribute wealth upward, produce workers for the economy, and make education open to strategic investment, all of which involve attacking teachers, trade unions and opposing elements of the civil service. The signs in education include funding linked to outcomes, and league tables. Evidence that these have reduced greater equality and reducing poverty is absent, inequality and poverty seems to have increased [although we are shifting now to the global level]. Individualism conveys 'a false sense of power and freedom… a collective lack of responsibility' (4), and this has reduced power for unions.

Neoliberalism has changed 'racial governance'. In the UK there has been anti-terror legislation connected to British Values and Prevent. Inclusion and social justice has not been championed and so POC have been further marginalised and the position of Whites reinforced. All the chapters apparently 'provide evidence' on this disadvantaging and corresponding reinforcement, despite policy emphasising the benefits of neoliberalism for all.

The concept of meritocracy is an example of failed policy because neoliberalism has only reinforced 'social networks, mentoring, patronage and power that Whiteness brings' (5), and it welcomes inequality anyway. It has failed to acknowledge racism by suggesting that all will benefit.

Each chapter explores White privilege and how it is maintained, both in the UK and the US. She addresses other forms of hierarchy by considering POC who are White but not White enough, and goes on to consider intersectionality. [There is emphasis on evidence].

Chapter 2

Whiteness and White identities 'operate as a form of privilege' (9), both in the UK and the US, despite their differences. The EHRC found evidence of racial inequality, such as a greater likelihood of being excluded from school, unemployed, living in poverty and being restrained in police custody, and also found an increase in the numbers of racist crimes. Similar data can be found in the USA [rather arbitrary selections of definitions of poverty].

Britain feels insecure and dangerous [after 'channel hopping between news bulletins' (10)], based on terrorism or fears of an invasion. There may be no evidence, but there are deeper feelings of Britishness, and 'deep seated stereotypes, often racist stereotypes' which reinforced the otherness of POC.

The Brexit referendum had consequences including political turmoil and a sterling crisis. There were also changed perceptions of British identity which happened 'quickly and irrevocably' (11). Pro-Europeans expressed disbelief and also 'great abjection and despair for their futures', encouraged by scary headlines about economic catastrophe in the Independent and the Guardian. There was also 'a significant rise in the reporting of hate crime' [the example is some graffiti scribbled on a Polish centre], which a spokesperson blamed on the Referendum for empowering extremists [a Remainer]. There are other accounts of racism, like reports condemning Polish vermin, a halal butcher being firebombed, films of teenagers abusing passengers and other migrants [all this evidence refers to Guardian articles]. Even the Metropolitan police reported a 57% increase in 'the reporting of race crime' after the vote and so did other lobby groups. Immigration was 'cited as one of the key reasons for voting to leave' [she says] (12), and N Farrage  posted a notorious poster. A spokesperson for the Migration Research Centre said that what was once unspeakable has now become commonplace.

Leavers are more likely to be from the lowest social class and have less education — and be White, which leads her to argue that 'the vote to leave was a clear indication of the predominance of Whiteness. It was a reaction to mass immigration in which many White (working class) people felt they were being disadvantaged; immigrants were taking the jobs and were a strain on education and the National Health Service… Brexit was an "us vs them" vote in which White privilege was used at its most powerful' (12 – 13) [a slippage from evidence citing the class and educational data from one of Lord Ashcroft's polls to her conclusions about White privilege]. [I don't know where to start to refute this -- maybe R Tombs (2021) This Sovereign Isle: Britain in and out of Europe.London: Allen Lane?]

These issues have also been widely discussed in the USA, especially in relation to the Civil Rights movement and fight for equality. Recent events have seen 'a return to overt racist acts… The number of Black men who have been shot by White police officers… Five times higher than White men the same age' (14) [again citing the Guardian], disproportionate deaths at the hands of the police, including some notorious cases which led to protest. BLM was one result, 'based on ideological and political interventions which work to make significant changes in society for Black people' (14). The families of Black victims also believe that the police respond to the colour of the victim. More examples follow.

Donald Trump, a wealthy person and businessman, squeezed through the nominations and secured some decisive victories [she seems unable to accept that these were somehow legitimate]. Since his victory used 'White privilege and background' to mobilise supporters. He is still strongly supported among White males, usually earning less than $50,000 a year and defining themselves as conservative [the Washington Post is the source here]. He is hardly likely to be able to represent these people, and just seize the opportunity 'just like the Brexit voters' to capitalise on disaffection with politicians. Trump claims to empathise, and used his identity as an outsider to oppose cultural and demographic change. He has launched 'overt attacks on those who live in minority ethnic communities' (17) and encourage racism — the example is his denigrating Mexican migrants, or threatening to stop Muslims entering the USA [the actual insults cited are unpleasant, and refer to drug dealers, criminals and rapists for Mexicans, and repressed women for Muslims]. His policy to build a wall is popular. His 'negative xenophobic comments' also sparked violent protest and legitimated 'hatred and negativity' as well as legitimising Whiteness. His overall effect was divisive. His power is indistinguishable from his Whiteness.

First reservation Whiteness is associated with 'specific cultural and economic forms of domination' (18) but is however 'historically contingent and can change over time'. In some cases, especially in the media, a particular type of Whiteness is particularly valued — White middle-class norms and values expressed in things like appearance and language, and there may be differences in terms of socio-economic background, education, accent and so on. However 'the overriding feature is that of Whiteness and the privilege associated with it' [so contingency and change didn't last long]

In one example Whiteness was used to exclude nonWhites from buying particular kinds of property [it actually seemed to be more like access to selective mortgages]. This leads us to 'Whiteness as property', and the notion of both individual and collective actors, and 'institutional structures and (un) conscious actors' (19) which maintain power and support and usually obscure it through rationalisations. [The start of the closed argument that says whatever people say or do, they must be maintaining White privilege]

CRT has fundamental principles — racism is endemic and links to other forms of oppression such as the commodification of land which led to Whiteness as property as in Harris. 'One could argue that this type of sySTEMM works today'. CRT also stresses '"interest convergence"' (20) where interests of POC are only advanced if they converge with the interests of White people. Peggy McIntosh has talked about White privilege as a weightless knapsack, operating at different levels and in a complex way, unrecognised by many Whites.

[We start to get really circular now] 'Whiteness and White identity of based on a set of social relations in which White people are at the top of the hierarchy by virtue of their White identity and as a result they hold power (consciously or not) over those who are nonWhite' (21). Whiteness is taken as a given not necessarily recognised or acknowledged by many White people. White identities get a better share of goods and resources even though there are divisions in hierarchies within Whiteness based on class education accident and dress [she discusses gypsies later].'but, the overriding identity will always work as a form of privilege for White groups — over and above that of Black or nonWhite groups'. [That is, must do]

Identities are socially constructed but also 'situated in an objective social location' which can shape experiences as well as understanding identity. In this way we get a nice circularity '"identifying as White means internalising and using privileges and status associated with White supremacy"' [quoting someone called Seeter]

In the USA the White working class saw themselves in opposition to Black people and in competition for jobs power and status, and Whiteness was a way of protecting their own position [Sleeter again], and this has been inherited as well as the actual property in some colonialist societies and means that White identity is taken for granted. 'No nonWhite or Black person is able to' take their identity for granted: they are constantly aware of it and how they are positioned. White people can resist pain where there will be disadvantage. Institutional racism will 'be used by Whites as a justification of their superior positions. This in itself works to maintain, reinforce and privilege Whiteness and White identity' [circular] (22).

One key area is the classroom, both in the US and the UK. Teachers need to be critical of their own identities and the impact their history has had, 'research suggests' [some people called Marx and Pennington 2010 — looks like a CRT piece on pedagogy in Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 16 (one)]. Racism needs to be learnt. Eurocentric curricula have to be examined especially in the teaching of Black history.

Some people have said that White people experience negative connotations from Whiteness, including '"depression, helplessness and anxiety"', or guilt. These people 'still benefit from their own identity of Whiteness — whether they like it or not!' (23). It might be connected to the perception of colourblindness, where people profess to be colourblind in order to suppress negative images, a form of denial of the truth [she gets very close to this claim of truth]. It is common to encounter defensiveness as part of the reaction to affirmative action programs, perceived as disadvantaging White people by excluding them from the best schools and universities, despite the claims that this is a response to historical discrimination. 'Many White people do not see the disadvantages that Black people face due to racism and often dismiss those disadvantages is being attributed to racism — this in itself can be seen as a covert or unconscious form of racism… "White talk"' [attributed to somebody called McIntyre (1997)]. This is 'a negative strategy' to  deny complicity in racism, often relying on popular stereotypes based on deficits and negative thinking and beliefs that Whites are just superior. It's linked to the knapsack idea.

This might be unconscious where 'Whites are unaware how their own beliefs affect their interactions with Blacks, although many Whites to operate at a conscious level and perpetuate their own racism. These stereotypes disadvantage POC. However, racism also happens 'covertly "… Conveyed primarily through subtleties,  face-to-face interaction such as hostile staring, silence, joking and labelling"' (24) [citing Riggins 2001, a book on othering].

There can also be 'covert institutional ways that appear to be nonracial and nonracist' [and? Or] a new racism where racial discourse and language is acceptable, a rearticulation of dominant racial themes to be less overt and more apparently based on resentment over things like affirmative action and welfare, what Bonilla Silva and Forman call 'a new racetalk'. It is ironic that many beneficiaries of affirmative action in the USA have been White women. Colourblindness can also be a form of race talk.

Whiteness continues to benefit White people 'regardless of their class (although it may work differently for White working and middle class groups) and other intersectional identities' (25). It is embedded in institutions, White spaces. Whiteness is afforded privilege that dominates all the others, privileges only available to White groups often at the expense of POC. Sometimes it is used deliberately to suppress Black people and must be understood from an antiracist perspective.

In the UK particularly, Whiteness has been given attention recently although there is still relatively little research. There is an argument that Whiteness was weaker until the new Thatcher government: even there the White working class were demonised as well. CRT helps understand how White privilege operates especially in education, and Gillborn is a hero here. CRT goes further than other limited understandings and he has addressed intersectional analysis, suggesting that White working class do benefit from Whiteness but are also liminal and can be demonised where necessary [and does this affect their sense of White privilege?].

So she says that White privilege operates in 'subtle and nuanced ways' as well, as when people push in front of Black people or Black people are stopped at customs. These examples reinforce White privilege and we need to understand this by looking at the UK and the US. 'While class is clearly important in the narratives of acceptable and non-acceptable forms of Whiteness, I argue that the identity of being White — regardless of class — takes precedence' (27) and other identities have an effect afterwards. Whiteness produces 'a different discourse from which judgements about individuals are made'. Whiteness dominates all aspects of society and it always positions POC as inferior or at least does so 'in a society in which White identities predominate' [!]. In the USA we can see this arising from slavery and other forms of otherness. In the UK there is structural racism and a denial of it manifesting in education the labour market health and poverty. This helps deny that racism is a problem.

Chapter 3 Not White enough

It is a 'particular kind of Whiteness' that is privileged and protected' (29), something which is more acceptable and conforms to 'society's expectations (for example paying taxes and being a good citizen) '. It is often applied to middle-class people and 'language, dress, education and taste' distinguish them. Non-acceptably White people include chaps from working class backgrounds who are 'uncouth, unworthy and unkempt' and also those from 'poor, White working class backgrounds'.

It is also applied to gypsy and traveller groups [via a very long stretch]. They 'have a White ethnic identity' but do not have the same advantages [which include pay taxes and being law-abiding again!]. They are marginal and disadvantaged 'in education, employment, housing and mental health'.

Gypsies and travellers originated in northern India et cetera. Many current ones are bilingual. They are internally diverse and now include New Age Travellers. The Equality Act of 2010 now classifies them as protected ethnic groups, and there is no category on the census. They currently occupy 0.1% of the population of England and Wales, and also, 66% of them say they have an English national identity, and that they were Christians. They are the least qualified group, especially the elderly. 47% of them are economically active compared to 63% for England and Wales as a whole — the most common reason they supply is that they are 'looking after the family or the home' or are self-employed (26% compared with 14% for England and Wales as a whole' (30). They are more than twice as likely to live in social housing, less likely to own their own homes, more likely to suffer from poor health.

They have 'the lowest levels of educational attainment of any ethnic group', for example in 2013/14 only 14% of children achieved at least five A to C GCSEs, compared to 60% of other White children. They are excluded more frequently and are less likely to go into HE. They have accommodation problems including an unavailability of authorised sites [in this section, having to move from one unauthorised site to another is seen as a problem, making it 'difficult to settle' (32)]. Adequate accommodation has long been associated with poor health including mental health. There is less access to GPs and primary care. There is a higher proportion in prison, 4% in 2013/14, and they feel unsafe and the victims of racism when they are there. There are less likely to be senior decision-makers. There are negative images, perpetuated by the 'biased, racist and negative stereotyping of these groups in the media' [no empirical data].

Stereotypical images might explain why they experience racism. These are based on images of being 'dirty, thieves, aggressive, violent and untrusting' (34), even in more favourable depiction such as My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding which stressed affluence and lavishness, only used to suggest that they lacked taste as well as that they were an underclass and poor citizens. This shows that 'this Whiteness, associated with gypsies and travellers is an unacceptable form of Whiteness' [does it fuck]. They are also seen as not wanting to live alongside non-Gypsy communities only mixing with their own [which might be true, later pieces suggest — even here, living with non-gypsies is seen as 'a huge risk']. Media coverage and programmes 'have been shown to increase levels of racism and prejudice' [no data] there have been complaints about a Channel 4 poster campaign, for example [by the London Travellers Unit].

There are differences in nomenclature between the UK and Europe, where 6 million various ethnicities live. The EU suggest that there is a joint responsibility to integrate them and improve conditions. They identify limited access to HE, difficulties 'in integration into the labour market', low income and poor health [integration is an interesting word] and said that exclusion 'entails not only significant direct costs of public budgets [but also]… Indirect costs through losses in productivity"' (35) they therefore adopted an EU policy to be interpreted by each nation to integrate Roma [usual vague stuff]. Again she asserts that there is evidence of stereotyping prejudice and inequality, including overt racism [but does not produce any].

Education is a good case study in the UK. They all have a right to education under the UN Convention which insists that the child's personality and talents should be developed. However 'much of the research seems to suggest' that they do not benefit as much as other children from educational experience, that they feel 'excluded and dissatisfied… And… Marginalised when they disclose their identity' (37). Schools policy to include citizenship eventually included human rights, but this did not affect the 'real experiences of many minority ethnic groups — particularly those of gypsies and travellers for whom schools in the structure of education are not responsive to their needs'. We know this because parents do not feel that their cultures are valued respected and understood [according to a study she part authored].

School attendance can be enforced [those were the days], but gypsy and traveller children are exempt 'if they can prove that the families engaged in the business that means they have to travel; if the child has attended regularly while the families been engaged in the business; and if the child has attended for at least 200 half days during the previous school year' (38). This can be seen as an excuse for them not attending school.

The old Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant was intended to meet the needs of minority ethnic people especially if they had EAL and this funded Traveller Education Services. In 2010, there was ring fenced funding of £204 million, but this was banned and in 2011 and replaced by pupil premiums, another example of failing to address inequality, the TES was important and many gypsy and traveller families relying on it. It helped raise awareness of their culture within schools to help inclusivity and also contributed to in-service training to break down stereotypes. Many schools used it to acquire teaching materials and resources.

Currently, 1/3 of local authorities have not provided specific support for gypsy and traveller pupils and families, and there have been severe cuts in those that do. The Irish Traveller Movement in Britain has complained that financial support despite being recognised by the EC has not been monitored and the obligations not upheld.

'There is a plethora of evidence to suggest that gypsy and traveller children experience overt racism, exclusion and marginalisation in schools, both from their peers and from the teachers' [the evidence is Bhopal and Myers 2016] (40), and practice does not seem capable of dealing with this coherently. This may also be 'related to a strong leadership ethos' focusing on social justice and equity. Inclusivity must be organised at different levels. [However we begin to discover problems] learning 'traditionally takes place in the home environment and families continue to emphasise the skills their children learn from watching copying and working alongside their families' (41), and 'many feel' the schools do not recognise their needs. They also feel racism and discrimination shows a lack of understanding about culture and lifestyle. There is a lack of understanding about the [Gypsy]  learning environment, because education is defined as 'structured learning: attending school at certain times, dedicated times that subjects, structured homework and passing exams… However the sySTEMM does not allow for deviations… It does not account for learning taking place in the home environment' (42). And many parents do not feel that schools provide children with the education suited to their needs 'or address their cultural mores'. Schools do not necessarily provide a safe environment. It would be better 'if schools could accommodate the practicalities of gypsy family life within a more flexible curriculum' [how the fart would they do that?]

There is a fear of making complaints in case this invokes further racism, and complainants are often portrayed as villains, aggressive troublemakers. [Again a bit of apology…] 'Traveller parents report that their children are taught to "stick up for themselves", a trait that is often interpreted as "troublemaking"'. Skills often do not invoke anti-bullying antiracism policies. Media stereotypes confirm these images of aggression. The mere presence of policies does not guarantee protection.

A case study of one family who are fairly affluent and defined themselves as 'English gypsies', living on a privately owned site. They took their daughter out of school and home educated her because she was being bullied and discriminated against by the teachers. She felt that the teachers did nothing about it. There were examples which produced friction, for example when the child refused to do PE lessons because her parents did not want her to participate — 'the school were not very understanding about this' and said they would not offer special treatment. The worst racist kids were working class kids living in social housing [and the parents deployed a few stereotypes themselves here about these people not working and getting benefits]. Gypsies were treated worst of all. The media were to blame. They admitted that they did leave rubbish sometimes '"but that's not all of us. There are good and bad apples"' (45). They had experienced racism from the police and other agencies. They felt they were not seen in the same ways as other White people, especially the posh and professionals, although the more working class ones didn't like them either.

They seem to be the group still most at risk in the education sySTEMM, and are still relatively unexamined. Stereotypes are still bad. Agencies have been cut. Overall, she insists they represent 'an unacceptable form of Whiteness that is not worthy of recognition or support' (46).

[Her own work seems to be: Bhopal and Myers (2009). Gypsy, Roma and traveller pupils in schools in the UK, inclusion and good practice. International Journal of Inclusive Education 13 (three): 219 – 31, and Bhopal and Myers (2016). Marginal groups in marginal times: gypsy and traveller parents and home education in England, UK. British Educational Research Journal, 42 (one) five – 20].

Chapter 4. Intersectionality: gender, race and class

Class and gender position Black and minority ethnic groups and stereotypes draw on these identities. Again a certain type of Whiteness is dominant. Class plays a major role in the position of individuals via intersectionality. We need competing factors to explain how experiences are affected by identities. Crenshaw introduced the concept first to attack essentialism and the need to address multiple grounds of identity, using legal examples and to redress the failure of feminism to deal with race. Intersectionality can also deal with White privilege and how it 'takes centre stage' (48) with class and gender only reinforcing it.[I don't thinnk Crensahw argued this]  There is a hint of a background of risk society with increasing 'fear, turbulence and insecurity' and emerging forms of difference.

Women can share identities of being Black, while having competing ones such as their social class. Similarly feminism tended to address the experiences of White middle-class within only until challenged by Black feminism. Other intersectional approaches have addressed 'age sexuality language and religion' [why stop at those?] (49). CRT made intersectionality central with its focus on recognising that experiences of oppressed people have been '"distorted, ignored, silenced, destroyed, appropriated, commodified and marginalised"' [Bell]. Race and racism is central but it interweaves and intersects other identities, partly to build advocacy. In the UK, differences among feminists appeared to challenge essentialism. It sometimes took the form of '"border theory"' to address how it was possible to cross boundaries, others related it to '"diaspora space" as people move through history and geography. Others talk of mash up conceptions. She suggests that the concept has led to new theory to explain empirical complexity (50).

Inclusion and equity in HE in the UK seems to be positive and encouraged, and addresses issues like increasing the number of women in STEMM, for example, or increasing support for transgender persons [expressed in the Athena SWAN charter -- an Advance HE paperchase], which stresses opportunities for all individuals [and seems to stress gender]. Universities gain different grades of reward and these may be linked to grant funding. Research councils also expect some sort of commitment. However, Athena with its focus on STEMM might be seen to address particularly White middle-class women, and it has largely ignored intersectional identities, it is 'an example of the privileging of Whiteness and White identity' (52), especially since Black women from disadvantaged backgrounds tend to be underrepresented in STEMM subjects and professions.

This group has not been addressed as significantly. There is a Race Equality Charter [another one] whose awards institutions can apply for. There is a low success rate so far. It's principles include recognising that racist inequalities exist in HE as '"an everyday facet of UK society"', manifested everywhere (53). This is a challenge to the usual view that covert racism can be dismissed as anecdotal or personal. The race equality charter insists that HEV needs to reach its full potential by recognising the talents of all individuals, avoiding deficit models, recognising diversity among minority ethnic staff, and analysing key data.

There is also unconscious bias training. Unconscious bias arises from 'our background and experiences affecting the decisions and snap judgements we make about people… On an unconscious level', but also a conscious one. Decision-making may be affected on recruitment and promotion which may reflect 'unconscious and implicit bias'. In the first case 'we are unaware of [it] and [it] happens outside of our control. It is a bias that happens automatically and is triggered by our brain making quick judgements and assessments of people and situations influenced by our background, culture and environment and personal experiences"' [ECU document] [NB Equality Challenge Unit is nowpart opf Advance HE!]. Implicit bias on the other hand 'questions the level to which these biases are unconscious especially as we are being made increasingly aware of them. Once we know that biases are not always implicit, we are responsible for them. We all need to recognise and acknowledge biases'.

This may just be a tick box exercise [!], So 'mandatory unconscious bias training should be a key requirement for those involved in recruitment and promotion panels' because it can reduce bias in shortlisting [reference to 2 pieces — one looks to be a study of gender biases in American science faculties (54)), but it might 'create feelings of negativity towards Black and minority ethnic groups. The ECU suggests a supportive environment for such pain. King's College London holds a Bronze race equality charter mark and offers workshops that address unconscious bias which includes 'Implicit Association Tests', and a bias training kit developed by the ECU: they made training mandatory re-for senior staff. However, there seems to be little understanding among senior managers, another example of 'the protection of White privilege' (55).

The Equality Act of 2010 consolidated earlier legislation on equal pay, sex discrimination and race relations and protects the rights of individuals by imposing a legal duty 'to prevent and eliminate discrimination'. It contains the famous '"protected characteristics" [which ] include race, age, disability, gender reassignment and religion/belief'. There is also positive action on recruitment and promotion which says that public bodies must consider all individuals to shape policy and deliver services and 'have due regard for and to be working towards eliminating discrimination, advancing equality of opportunity and fostering positive relationships between individuals' (56). There have been significant advances, but inequalities persist.

BME people are 14% of the total population in England and Wales, but 7% of staff in HE, in a period of general expansion. They are less likely to be in senior managerial roles (4%), less likely to be in the top pay spine range, less likely to be professors. Policy-making tends to have focused on gender equality although 'Black and minority ethnic women are the most disadvantaged groups in HE', and often feel they have to be '"twice as good" as their White colleagues. There is some evidence to suggest that they feel they do not belong [her own work again]. The Academy maintains White privilege by excluding 'overtly and covertly' BME groups, while promoting an inclusive agenda, but giving it little academic attention. Any actual work is 'marginalised and sidelined'. There is evidence to suggest that BME academics are considering moves to overseas, especially to the USA.

Whiteness means that White academics have to access 'a "network of knowns"', leading to particular strategies grant them progress. There are unspoken criteria for secure promotions and positions of power, and access to White privilege grants it for White academics. This needs to be explored by universities.

Two case studies follow. In the first of Black Caribbean working class female works in a large post-1992 University and enjoys it. She is the only Black member of staff. She has been promoted to professor but struggles nevertheless and feels she is an outsider and does not always fit in, for example at graduation ceremonies. She is the first person in her family to attend university and always thought of universities as elite institutions. Her parents thought she was very lucky, although she thinks that '"race, gender and class dictated how she was positioned in the Academy and that her difference disadvantaged her and was used to position her as an outsider"' (58). She noticed that all the senior people were White for example. She experienced covert and nuanced processes of marginalisation, like being treated differently in meetings — being ignored, not making eye contact, feeling she had nothing to contribute. These 'subtle covert behaviours have been well documented… Micro-aggressions [as in] Sue et al.' (59). In this case, they perpetuated Whiteness even though the colleagues were sometimes unaware of their actions. She felt excluded from networks like those developing external relationships outside the institution, like funding bodies and journals: here she blames 'race and her working class identity'. There are also 'ways of being, doing and knowing' that she did not share.

In the second case, a male Black gay African-American works in a non-research intensive university in the midwest USA, and comes from a manual working class background. He feels marginalised and stereotyped, because people don't associate Black masculinity and being gay. His sexuality is the thing that seems to define him, although being Black 'separated him from his colleagues' more than his sexuality or class background did — you can't see that he is gay. There is a Black academic elite in the USA but this is 'influenced by class positioning'. However a higher social class 'did not preclude or dominate the identity of Whiteness' which he feels is always there in the background keeping him in his place, an unspoken privilege, a notion of 'direct entitlement to a space' (52). Universities have a policy of diversity, but the practice still preserves White people in power. He admits that the USA is 'a country that has always had racial tension'. The election of a Black president has encouraged the colourblind.He feelsalienated. Racism 'remains endemic' in US society.

[Generally, not really about intersectionality, more a denial of it.Gender is a diversion, forexample. Race outbids class in the USA. The case studies carry the evidence anyway. Note the differnces between the US and the UK too --the history especially and the issue of elites and their networks. Sue is introduced to bolster a lot of it -- being ignored etc could be done to any outsider. Case study 1 can't tell if it is class or race, I also liked the jokey ECU and was notsurprised it was a talkshop that ledto a few femalepromotions if any!  ]

Chapter 5 race schooling and exclusion

We are still seeing disadvantage for minority ethnic groups in primary schooling, where there is '"entrenched racial stereotyping and discrimination on the one hand, and antiracist activism on the other"' [citing Alexander Arday and others, the Runnymede trust]. The original duty to report  racist incidents has been replaced by the Equality Act which imposed a mere duty and a need for '"due regard"' and periodic review, with no actual records.

Then some recent figures showing the proportions of increase, especially White British Asian and other background, with the Chinese as the highest performing ethnic group at GCSE level is an Black Caribbean below the national average, with Gypsy/Roma at the bottom. The greater complexity of the school system with free schools and academies and so on has produced no 'evidence to suggest that the introduction of different schools [increases] real school choice for parents from Black and minority ethnic backgrounds' (68), for example with free schools, and many are not adhering to the legal requirements of equality and diversity anyway. Overall there has been a lack of monitoring and deregulation. There has been a decrease in permanent school exclusions, but an increase in fixed term exclusions especially in primary schools, and ethnic minority pupils experience disproportionate rates although White pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds also have 'high rates'. Again Gypsy/Roma traveller children have the highest rates. We are talking about three times the rates for Black Caribbean and mixed children. Asian and Chinese have the lowest rates.

There is evidence to suggest a greater likelihood of being disadvantaged  'because of race religion or ethnicity' and lots of research suggests that this does have a significant impact on school experiences and achievements, and mental health. There is no longer a requirement to record racist bullying and so these incidents 'are underreported and under recorded; this may be due to a lack of leadership in schools a lack of staff training' (70). An OFSTED report shows that racist language is 'commonplace' and there have been more requests for counselling to ChildLine for racist bullying.

The controversy about British Values began in 2014 with statutory guidance. She wants to question what British values and culture actually are and suspects they are based on 'British imperialism and/or colonialism'. She quotes the original definition on 71. She discusses the Trojan horse affair which sparked the controversy and the finding of the report that there was no radicalisation although there was a lack of coordination. Many teachers feel uncomfortable about BV and see it as cultural supremacy, according to an NUT conference in 2016. They wanted to replace it with the notion of international rights. It was particularly difficult with kids who had experienced British colonialism, although there were people who argued that teachers are being fifth columnists. There is still controversy about the Prevent strategy.

In 2013 there were statutory guidelines for the teaching of citizenship at KS3 and 4, aimed at raising awareness of democracy and government and how laws were made, and the UK government. It continues to be taught in schools, often subsumed under PHSE, and is combined with Prevent and the citizenship agenda.

Prevents guidance places a duty on specified authorities to prevent people being drawn into terrorism and all educational institutions are expected to comply. In schools staff have to identify vulnerable children and prevent them from radicalisation as part of their care policy. Definitions have always been controversial and issues of teacher training have arisen. For her, the argument 'suggests the narrative and rhetoric of race has been pushed into a new direction — one that is associated with terrorism, fear and othering' (74), a 'blame culture' in which BME are a threat, a polarisation of the discourse about difference, a heightening of the moral panic, an exacerbation of Islamophobia. For her, it all means that 'the predominance of Whiteness and White privilege dictates that those who do not hold "British values", those who are 'different" and those who do not conform to "Britishness" pose a threat' (75. The Prevent strategy ignores evidence that there may be no direct link between radicalism and terrorism — she cites a study by Horgan 2014 here The Psychology of Terrorism. Routledge]. It is particularly aimed at radical Islam. Over 900 children were being identified as at risk of radicalisation 2012 to 2015, including 84 under the age of 12. It has also changed the teacher pupil relationship into one where teachers are expected to be 'vigilant spies' (75) and to seeing ethnic groups as the enemy. There is still no clear measurement of its effectiveness and a suspicion that it can be counter-productive, a UN special rapporteur says [they are not usually very reliable]. More independent critics have suggested an independent review and more positive initiatives to get young British Muslims to engage. The moral panic is shared in the US, and in one example, a kid who brought a dummy clock to school led to a media frenzy and death threats.

'There is a great deal of evidence' that teachers are not fully equipped to understand the experiences of BME pupils. They fail to recognise their own Whiteness and White privilege and how this can affect teaching. They also stereotypes [reference in this case is to Gillborn]. Teacher training should address this. As it is, some students are expected to fail, often Black ones. Nor are teachers equipped to deal with racism. Many lack knowledge of the history and contribution of ethnic communities and the curriculum tends to be ethnocentric with White British history considered the normal. White students receive a 'parochial, liberal (often male) history curriculum characterised by "White" success', while BME have messages that their histories are on the periphery [there are single references for most of the statements — this one again is Doharty in the Runnymede trust reader]. This illustrates 'the type of knowledge that is considered legitimate' instead of racism, marginalisation and exclusion and is part of the process of othering. There should be a focus instead on '"universal values and exploring knowledge that is more appropriate to an ethnically diverse and rich society"' [quoting Crozier in the Runnymede trust reader]. In the US case, high school completion is measured differently by freshman graduate routes and cohort graduate rates and whether or not people obtain a high school diploma within four years. Again the data suggests that ethnic groups are below the national average despite the goal of closing the achievement gap. There's been some narrowing. Black students are four times more likely to be suspended than White ones even though that has declined, so 'inequalities in the US continue to persist despite significant advances in race equality policy making. The race achievement gap has barely narrowed in the last 50 years' (80). The main factors here seem to be increased school segregation, harsh discipline and lack of investment in poor Black schools where highly qualified teachers do not want to work.

The case studies. One is a Black working class Caribbean woman who is now a teacher in an inner city ethnically mixed primary. She feels she was not adequately teacher trained, nor prepared to understand the issues of BME kids and the effects of racism. She noted stereotypes, including those of the culture of Black families and their problems at home, low expectations, partly based on the ability of White parents to relate to teachers and their possession of 'social and cultural capital', another example of 'the predominance of White privilege in relation to class privilege' (82), although this teacher was not sure if there was racism — another kind of discrimination certainly. She wanted to see more Black teachers with higher expectations of Black kids.

In the second case a secondary school teacher in the Midlands and the UK was Muslim and female and wore a hijab, and taught in a predominantly White British school. She saw an increase in anti-Muslim sentiment, which she saw as coming from parents. She saw the teaching of BV and Prevent had increased tensions and assumptions that Muslims are terrorists, especially if there had been a terrorist attack[!]. She was treated by parents with some discomfort or surprise that she did not conform to stereotypes, but she was aware that 'her own identity of being a female Muslim wearing a high jab positioned her as an outsider', and this was permanent.

So policies failed and have, if anything, increasingly marginalised and alienation in BME, especially BV and Prevent. 'At its core is a privileging of White ethnocentric identity, designed to marginalise and exclude Black and minority ethnic groups' (85). Children who do not identify with the 'norms of Whiteness' are seen as a threat. Schools are 'used to maintain and privilege Whiteness at the same time as asserting its dominance over Black and minority groups. Whiteness works to perpetuate and reinforce White racial superiority.' [A great deal of drift here from the discussion]. Any discussion of the failures of the education system 'threatens White privilege and White stability, and is replaced by a rhetoric that blames "the other"' (85) [Don't talk about class or gender -- it will only be disguising race -- new racetalk]

Chapter 6 higher education, race and representation.

BME students have increased although not to Russell group universities which suggests 'processes of racial exclusion [which 'exclude those from nonWhite backgrounds' (81) [just below this is rendered as maintaining] 'the elite position of universities which are based on White middle-class acceptance' [not just White then?]

BME students also do not do as well as White students in terms of measures of success such as degree class obtained, employment after university, or progression to postgrad. [Detailed page 88]. Black students also have more women members. There is some evidence that universities have been 'reluctant to think about how these aspects of inequality can be addressed' [the reference here is to the ECU].

Labour in 1999 proposed to widen attendance to 50% and this has had an impact, although HE remains segregated — and Russell group universities are largely White, and middle-class and privately educated. — For example 55% of privately educated children go to Russell group institutions, 40% of all undergraduates at Oxbridge were privately educated, despite recent attempts to improve access for disadvantaged backgrounds. Reay is cited to show that there may be '"strong processes of positive discrimination"' (90), and says it is not just an issue of class but race as well, although BME students are also likely to come from a low SES background. Oxbridge preserves inequalities as elite studies show.

Unequal access to Russell group 'suggests that this demonstrates universities use mechanisms to protect and preserve places in elite universities for White students as an act of White privilege which is used to enhance their own position of elitism to maintain their power' (91) [no actual evidence for this suggestion, of course, although there is evidence that Black Pakistani and Bangladeshis with the same A-level grades are 'substantially less likely to be offered places' [and the reference here is Oliver in the Runnymede trust volume — she has also written a piece in Sociology in 2016]. Oliver thinks this is unconscious bias since ethnicity is not included at the application stage — she actually says '"unconscious bias cannot be ruled out"'. There are other studies that show the offer rates are lower for BME even though they are equally well qualified. The answer may be name blind applications and some universities participating in a trial, although UCAS thinks that '"there is insufficient evidence of a problem"' to implement the change [cf the study on names on applications for jobs in the US -- Reilly].

Students also have to adopt middle-class [NB] practices — 'ways of writing, speaking and the use of academic language' (92) and this is already possessed by those from White middle-class backgrounds. For others, feelings of unworthiness or shame follow from the results. Norms of behaviour are 'racialised and divided by class, as well as ethnicity'. An NUS report found many Black students felt rejected. The Eurocentric curriculum was blamed, as was 'biased marking, hate crime on campus and the lack of Black academics as role models' (93). Some universities are develop mentoring schemes to encourage discussions of racism and challenge the structure of the Academy. However, the conversations are normally '"considerably watered down"', and there are few policies and strategies to address racism or the deficit model.

Postgraduate numbers have also increased, at the expense of part-time students and STEMM students, largely due to lack of funding. There is not so much research here, but a recent HEFCE report looks at the route taken to reach postgrad study, transitions,, and concludes that 'disadvantaged students are less likely to continue'(94). BME ethnic graduates are more likely than White ones to take postgrad taught degrees, but less likely to enter into PHE's. Access to funding might be an issue. [More like the saturation of the market by Noddy taught degrees and considerable youth unemployment].

Campaigns include '"why is my curriculum White"' at UCL, Rhodess must fall, and others. These protest against a divided society in which 'those from privileged backgrounds are able to prosper and in which Whiteness predominates'. [This whole discussion assumes that the privileges of Whiteness are not universal, of course].

There are some data on the USA, 96 – 99, showing an increase in BME groups, but the same problems with the attainment of a fully meritocratic society, and the role of cultural and social capital, and social networks, although 'in the US, racial diversity is considered one of the defining features of the University, particularly in relation to positioning in league tables' (99). Affirmative action has also been in existence since the 60s and many selective universities use it. There are positive benefits 'for all students'. But racism is still dominant — White Americans still hold 'overtly racist abuse', and negative attitudes towards affirmative action, even though 'the main beneficiaries of affirmative action are White women' (100). There are more efforts to provide an inclusive curriculum, such as degrees on Black history and culture, although there are still power inequalities. '"Doing diversity"' can cause resentment among White people who see it as special treatment. They often advocate a '"diversity bargain"' — those benefiting from affirmative action have to give something back, mostly by educating their peers, and not over-competing with White people. Many White students still think they have earned their place 'despite the wealth of evidence which suggests that this is not the case' (101). There are still racial inequalities with elite universities, so 'Whiteness and White privilege dominate to maintain and reinforce the Whiteness of higher education institutions', despite colourblindness which 'dictates that [White people] failed to see how they benefit from their own White identity and White privilege'. Instead, racism is seen as 'the individual acts of the small number of people' rather than a matter of structural disadvantages, institutional racism, as in Bonilla Silva's suggestion that White people perceive a system of 'racism without [themselves as] racists'. This also leads to a denial of the importance of social policies, a way of legitimising the system. In terms of US HE, inequalities in admission processes may be increasing, because White students 'were able to legitimise and justify their attendance… Because they believe it is a meritocracy'. It is also an example of [convergence] where diversity and inclusion is supported 'as long as their White privilege remains intact and unthreatened' (102).

So 'universities are key spaces which Whiteness and White identities predominates — White groups are represented in senior roles. The curriculum is evidence. Policies on diversity inclusion social justice are too. As a result, 'elite universities are the epitome of the legitimation and reproduction of institutional racism' (103), but they also reinforce class inequalities [again]. The rhetoric of inclusion is 'rarely evidenced in practice or outcomes' (103).

Chapter 7. Racism and bullying in the UK

[Before the Evens report]. Two U.K. case studies, one about parents' complaints about racism in schools and the other about racism experienced by academics in HE. White identities are protected after complaints and Equality Acts have only marginalised the complainantS.

There is now a legal requirement for all state schools to encourage positive behaviour and prevent bullying. They must abide by the Equality Act of 2010 which makes it '"unlawful to discriminate against, harass or victimise"' a pupil (106). Bullying is a child protection issue and must be reported to the L EA, and external services can be consulted. A holistic approach should be adopted. There is however no single definition of bullying although the DFE sees it as repeated behaviour '"intended to hurt someone either physically or emotionally, often aimed at certain groups (because of their race, religion, gender or sexual orientation). It may take many forms…"' (107).

In 2012, 88,000 'racist incidents were recorded in British schools between 2004 and 2011', and 90 areas provided data showing that '87,915 cases of racist bullying were reported to schools'. Schools have a statutory duty to record and report these and are expected be proactive, although the specific duties for reporting and monitoring have been scrapped after 2010: racist incidents might have increased just before. There may be a [dark number of unreported incidents]. There has been further weakening by the Coalition Government in terms of watering down the need to publish equality objectives and monitoring. The TUC saw this as threatening the aims of equality.

Media rhetoric about immigration and refugees is at the centre of the increase in racist bullying, and so is 'the increase in the numbers of racist incidents reported post Brexit' [we've seen this argued in chapter 2]. In 2013 more than 1400 children, cnntacted ChildLine for counselling about racist bullying, including Islamophobia. The NSPCC also reports an increase in the experience of bullying and says that 'more than 16,000 children were absent from school because of bullying' [not necessarily racist bullying]. Up to '20 children per day were excluded due to incidents of racist abuse towards peers' and 4000 cases of racial abuse led to fixed or permanent exclusions in 2016 [we don't know about the ethnicity of the perpetrators, though — these are newspaper reports].

In HE, the image of equality and diversity is misleading because universities are still dominated by 'those with White middle-class backgrounds', as she argued (109). 'There is evidence to suggest that racism persists' in HEI's (110), according to a report by UCU [which seems to have covered a sense of inclusion or exclusion in decision-making and '"whether they had been subject to cultural insensitivity"' — a sample of 631. 90% also said they have experienced barriers to promotion and were not supported adequately. They also said they had been bullied or harassed by managers or colleagues. Overall, UCU say that the survey '"suggests that racism is present in our colleges and universities"' (111). There is a feeling that raising concerns only leads to further isolation, a failure of leadership].

An ECU report also found that BME academics 'are more likely to consider a move overseas' and that they wanted universities to take more specific action about inclusion. They also provided examples of inappropriate behaviour going '"a lack of awareness that the behaviour was offensive and covert unsubtle forms of racism"'. Again it was difficult to complain. The introduction of the REC seems to have had little effect [surprise!]

Students are also 'more likely to have racist, biased attitudes towards lecturers who are from BME backgrounds' (112), using National Student Survey data which showed that such academics were 'more likely to receive lower teaching scores and negative feedback'. There is also a study by Bell and Brooks [2016) University of Reading research report, analysing the NSS teaching scores that says that 'unconscious bias [is] apparent in students' reporting': 'for each 1% rise in the number of academic staff who are White, there was an equivalent 0.06% increase in student satisfaction' [very unconvincing], with ethnicity of lecturers as the 'second most significant effect on the results as a whole' [possibly more convincing]. Students were apparently happiest when taught by staff who were '"White, full professors, and holding doctorates"'. League table positions and academic recruitment might be affected. There is similar data in the US based on comments left by students on Prof rating websites. These findings are little addressed.

In the first case study a Black Caribbean British family living in a relatively affluent village on the south coast are one of only two such families. Their child was picked on at school, eventually taking on a racist element — kids said they did not like Blacks in the school and that Blacks could get out. When they approached the head, she denied it and tried to blame the kid and his personality, and said the parents had complained too much. School policy was not followed. Eventually they made a formal complaint and the L EA investigated — they found no evidence of racism, and the parents thought that because it was denied. They removed their kid from school and went to another one but were upset by the denials. The shows how the victims of racism can become villains if they complain, and how Black people are positioned as others and how Whiteness is protected.

The second case study involves a female Reader in a Russell group university who began to be belittled by a colleague, making comments and jokes, tried to catch her out, being negative in meetings. She spoke to a manager who said it was just a clash of personalities and brushed it aside. The colleague also made negative and derogatory comments about Muslim students and female students with children — '"those kinds of people"' should not be here. She had children. She was ignored in meetings. Eventually she went to the union and made a complaint, but returned from study leave to find that the colleague had been promoted to a chair and made director of research — the Reader left the University.

'There is evidence to suggest that [this] case is not unique' (118) [where is it?]. It is an acceptance of covert racism and the reinforcement of Whiteness, dismissed as a clash of personalities and the perpetuation of White privilege. Covert racism is masked by 'the performance of nonracist behaviours' and managers are complicit in this. This might be an unintended consequence of the Equality Act 2010 which '"homogenised general characteristics and by doing so [blurred] the specificity of differences (such as race and gender for example) [and led institutions to] focus on overarching generic concerns"' [citing her own work — 2014, London: LFHE]. This is an example of what was described earlier as 'a new "race talk"' [Bonilla Silva] which enables White groups to 'avoid appearing to be racist' (119). It arises because the EDI field is also uneven in terms of power.

Chapter 8 racial inequalities in the labour market.

The process of racism means that 'BME groups are less likely to occupy positions of power in the labour market' and why these inequalities persist over time. They persist despite greater numbers entering HE. Qualifications do have an effect on transitions of the labour market, so blocks to postgrad research will have direct impact, but inequality is also related to 'high levels of property'.

BME groups are also 'less likely to be economically active' and this is still the case in 2011 [Census], 7– 10% less than White groups. There is variation between ethnic groups, with 'less than half of Pakistani and Bangladeshi people in employment and only 40% of gypsies and travellers' (123). There are differences in the likelihood to be unemployed, and gender differences. There are different proportions in low skilled occupations, with a preponderance of 'Pakistani (59%), Black African (54%), and Bangladeshi (53%)' men (124). The discrepancies increase when considering women and unskilled work. Inactivity may be explained by 'student activity, long-term sickness or disability, family and domestic responsibilities or retirement' (125) [according to the census 2011--in that order?] There is concentration in particular sectors, for example accommodation and food wholesale and retail health and social work.  EHRC suggest 'vast disparities', including in unemployment rates [nearly double those for Whites in 2013]. They are much less likely to gain apprenticeships. And to earn 21% less on average on graduation. Long-term unemployment is worse, and the recession seems to have affected those on Black backgrounds, both men and women. Their employment is less secure, for example 'involuntary temporary employment' [twice that of Whites in 2014], and youth unemployment is higher, especially among Muslim groups and Muslim women.

There is already a discussion about the lack of BME in senior decision-making in HE, which now extends to occupations generally. For example the FTSE 100 only has 5% BME representation. Lower pay is characteristic especially for Bangladeshi men. Religion seems to be a factor, with Sikhs and Muslims experiencing a higher pay gap. 'Higher education qualifications do not make a difference to these inequalities' (129), and indeed 'the differential pay gap is at its widest for those with university degrees'. However, 'parental background and geographical location are significant determinants', but she insists 'if you are from a Black or minority ethnic group rather than if you are a White British graduate' (130), and parental support seems important — even here those without it show an ethnic difference [these are all EHRC data]. [I must say there is strong evidence of a mobilisation of bias here].

Even those who graduate from elite universities 'are more likely to be in jobs for which they are overqualified' [according to Lindley drawing upon the Labour Force Survey], and spend longer unemployed. Access to social networks may be crucial and access to social capital, and here White middle-class backgrounds could be important, say in finding unpaid internships. Overall, '"higher education achievement failed to protect ethnic minority men and women against unemployment"', especially in recessions. Overall 'one clear reason for this is the discrimination and racism they face' in access and once employed, in gaining advancement [according to Li, in the Alexander and Arday Runnymead publication].

Back to access and net works, there might also be a tendency to remain in the local area which will influence labour market outcomes. This means reliance on parental networks and that can bring 'ethnic penalties' (132) [bit of special pleading here]. It affects working class graduates as well. It is apparently a complex relation between ethnic group population size and labour market outcome, however, and racist discrimination must be addressed. The public sector should also try to redress the situation. The differences seem to have existed over time, both between and within different ethnic groups, and these might be 'further linked to location and geography' (133) such as 'living in a a deprived neighbourhood', or living in areas where work is not available and this might particularly affect ethnic minorities [not in London, says Sewell — Sewell is badly needed here]

Self-employment might be a route to escape and it has increased, but is also produced winners and losers and not reduced the overall ethnic minority penalty. Even if BME groups are overrepresented in some occupations this can 'lead to a possible segregation and stereotyping of certain jobs, resulting in processes of discrimination for entry' (134). This can produce 'occupational segregation'.

Overall, 'the labour market is a structure in which White privilege continues to dominate' (134) [and all these other things], and this has not been affected by increased access to HE, because elite occupations are still predominantly White. The link between poverty and labour market participation persists. Discrimination based on ethnicity and race still takes place 'at different points in the labour market [the reference here is Bourn — report for the stationary office, 2008]. Recession has  unequal effects, there may also be an effect of ethnic minority groups having '"youthful age structures"' [see Reilly on this]. Educational qualification might have explained employment rates in the past, but changes in access have had little effect at the moment.

The TUC has described the harsh reality for BME people of having a '"much tougher time in the job market"' and has urged a race equality strategy to redress it, including greater transparency, anonymized applications in the public sector, and the monitoring of ethnicity as a variable in annual reports, especially on recruitment. Another report found the lack of Black role models in the civil service. Demoralising, and the possible existence of 'an "old boys club"' (137) 'unconscious bias and discrimination' is persistent [the reference here is a civil service report of 2015 produced by the stationary office on barriers to BME staff progressing]. The DWP also gathered data on differentials by group and sector. The TUC found inequalities between equally qualified groups — 'for example Black workers with degrees earned 23.1% less on average than White workers with degrees' (137, and differentials persist between those with the same A-levels and GCSE grades.

Case studies. The first one is a Black British male in the final year of studying politics of the Russell group university, on track to get a 2:1, but sceptical about getting a job in journalism. He felt his ethnicity would be a determining factor with strong competition, including those with more experience. He felt there would also be discrimination, not so much overt but based on employers and the image of their organisation, and the stereotypes they might hold. He felt the situation had got worse, related to 'political events such as Brexit in the recent election of Donald J Trump' (139). He was considering postgrad instead but could not afford it. He was sure that entering a profession that is mainly White would involve more discrimination. He noticed ethnic differences in employment at his own university.

The second case study involved a woman who felt she would be discriminated against 'because of her religion and ethnicity' (140) — she was a proud British Muslim and wore a headscarf. She felt the university was safe with nice people who were not overtly racist. Again she was worried about Brexit and Trump. She expected to get a good degree but also to be judged according to what she was wearing and the fear people have of Muslims. The EU vote was particularly significant.

Overall, 'the increase in racist incidents post Brexit has further marginalised BME communities' (141 and that's contributed to the inequalities. White privilege in the labour market is expressed covertly and overtly and there is an ethnic penalty even for the highly qualified. Some sections 'are reserved for Whites only — positions where Whiteness is used to reinforce power and status' [again some ambivalence there about what determines what] (142). There may be pressure to adhere to equality legislation, but this can only perpetuate a myth that there is inclusion. Instead, White identity can bring privilege, and 'White groups work to protect their own positions of dominance and advantage — at all costs'.

Chapter 9 wealth poverty and inequality

This time, 'poverty and inequality is related to processes of racism'(143). Poverty impacts differentially on different groups, but they are all more likely to experience poverty than the White group [is this so?]. There are differences in poverty levels within and between BME groups, for example related to 'gender and ethnicity'. There is a direct impact from the labour market and geographical location [described as 'significant' 144 — the term she uses is '"spatial mismatch"']. This can lead to 'the segregation of different communities, which will further impact on poverty [so what the policy implications here? Levelling up?].

Recessions have an overall impact, for example on holding average wages below the rate of inflation, although this has not been uniform, young graduates were badly hit, for example, as were young people, which might have had an additional effect on BME groups 'as such groups tend to have younger age structures' (145).

Poverty can be defined differently, for example in terms of housing. And here 26% of Pakistani or Bangladeshi people lived in substandard housing 'compared with 21% of those on White backgrounds' [EHRC], and the same affected children from BME backgrounds. Even more differences affected those living in overcrowded housing. There were overall higher child poverty rates in all BME groups although there are differences within — for example individuals in BME groups were about twice as likely to be living in poverty than White groups in 2012. In terms of relative poverty 41% of children in households headed by a BME parent were more likely to be living in poverty, again nearly twice as many as four White children. This will also lead to greater negative impact.

'One reason for [higher rates of unemployment] is the result of overt and covert discrimination by which the processes of White privilege are perpetuated and reinforced' [only one reason] (147). Living in deprived areas may further restrict opportunities, producing 'a "double disadvantage"' (148), and this is more likely for BME groups especially Pakistani and Bangladeshi [cf the debate in Sewell about whether this reflects racism In allocation, or cultural factors].

There are inequalities in health, including mental health, again from HRC — seven times more probability of Black African women being detained under the Mental Health Act, and other specifics. The same sort of patterns appear with physical health, including 'a lack of information available in different languages and relevant information on different family and religious values' (149).

[A brief discussion of US evidence shows roughly the same patterns, although this time there are variables with family types including single parent families, and differences with Hispanic ethnic groups, and parental education, married parents, and coverage by health insurance. There are links with civil unrest. There is a suggestion that neighbourhood variables are the result of deliberate policy choices to increase segregation (152), as well as gentrification and legally enforced zoning. There has been little change especially in the prospect for Black children.]

[So the US case is extended to the UK again].

Chapter 10 conclusions: race social justice and equality

She is especially interested in change in the UK education system 'where White privilege should be addressed and challenged' (155). At the moment 'White identities are privileged and remain protected at all times'. [She summarises the arguments in each, and argues that the UK and the US, 'despite differences', together show that Whiteness is a form of privilege, at least 'in current discourse has been used as a rhetoric to reinforce the identity of Whiteness as superior. Examples include the recent vote by the British people to leave the EU, fuelled by reinforcement of "British" identity and the threat of an invasion of immigrants'. Leave was followed by a significant rise in the number of racist and hate crimes, 'Brexit was an "us vs them" battle in which White privilege was used to separate those who belonged and those who did not, and racism was used as a vehicle to promote this' (155 – 6).

In the US, the election of Trump has made things worse. And he has denounced Mexicans and Muslims. However there are acceptable and non-acceptable forms of Whiteness 'based on the intersections of class, Whiteness and White privilege' (156). Media images are important in demonising gypsies and travellers and they 'constitute a new underclass, forgotten and ignored'. This is 'racism that is fuelled by the media… Racism that is acceptable towards an unacceptable form of Whiteness' (157)

In chapter 4 she argues that 'White identity predominates, but this White identity is also related to class identity. White middle-class identity is privileged above all others'. We see this in HE. In schooling, children are 'affected by their race and in turn their class'. Race can be seen in the scrapping of legal requirements to report racism and the Prevent strategy, and the general lack of importance of race within policy. In HE, there is the continuing dominance of 'a White elite' (158) and more 'subtle, covert and nuance' racism: the Eurocentric curriculum, as an example. There may have been an increase in BME students attending, but they are still less likely to attend elite universities or gain the best degrees and this is a perpetuation of the privilege of Whiteness.

Back to schools, there has been an increase in bullying and much of it 'is related to racism and Islamophobia' (158). There are also increasing reports in HEI's. There is also discrimination in the form of lack of promotion and bullying from managers and colleagues. If complaints are made 'White privilege operates to protect White identities', and complaints are dismissed as a clash of personalities or overprotective parents. Neoliberal policies have also reinforced White privilege.

In the labour market 'White privilege… [Keeps]… Black and minority ethnic groups out of certain professions which maintain their own status of Whiteness and White privilege' (159), despite an emphasis on equality and diversity. Race also affects wealth poverty and inequality, thanks to 'a system of privilege' which can have a cumulative effects trapping people in cycles of poverty [so choosing to live in a local area is also part of White privilege?]

Significant changes are needed, although 'racism may never be eradicated'. We must challenge White groups in positions of power, for example in the UK education system where there is a requirement to demonstrate inclusion social justice and equity. We need to hold these institutions accountable. They must acknowledge 'institutional racism and White privilege' (160). They must monitor racist incidents and show how racism is to be addressed with clear strategies. They must introduce unconscious bias training  as mandatory for all staff, or at least for those in recruitment and   promotion                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                

They need more visible BME staff in senior roles, and need to analyse staff profiles to support such staff and address their specific needs.
The REC is a positive move but it is too early to tell if it will make a difference — maybe we should link it to funding and whether student fee increases could be capped according to successful completion. Elite universities especially should recruit more BME students, may be especially Oxbridge — there should be name blind applications. The private education system also perpetuates and reinforces White privilege. We need a quota system for BME students. There should also be outreach programs to coach applicants and awards and bursaries and scholarships, as in the USA, and this should be extended to post grads.

Policy so far has only reinforced inequalities which 'stem from racist and exclusionary practices that continue to perpetuate White privilege and White dominance'. (163). Post-racial society is a myth, and racism 'exists at every level of society… It is alive in all elements of society, our popular culture, media, and the social spaces that we occupy' [they suggest in their new book. The problem is the neoliberal context for policy-making which fails to acknowledge the role of race and inequality. It produces 'judgements of values… About who is deserving… Who belongs' (164) and race is a key marker of difference. In this context 'White groups [are] doing everything within their overwhelming power to protect and perpetuate their own positions and status' [with dog whistles to Brexit and Trump again].