Notes on: Dixson, A. & Rousseau, C. (2005) And
we are still not saved: critical race theory in
education ten years later, Race Ethnicity and
Education, 8:1, 7-27, DOI:
10.1080/1361332052000340971
Dave Harris
[Good intro to excellent early legal US work and
US education. Good US summaries of 'tenets']
This is an article that follows up anything
published after Ladson
Billings and Tate (1995), which in turn
built on Harris
and the notion of whiteness as property, stressing
especially the right to exclude. Ladson Billings
and Tate said that this was demonstrated by
denying blacks access to schooling altogether,
then by setting up separate schools, then by white
flight, private schools and more school choice,
then '"re-segregation via tracking"' (8). Two
track systems are perhaps the most important
current manifestation of whiteness as property.
Matsuda (1993 p 6) identified six unifying themes
to define the emerging legal scholarship in CRT
(9):
'… Racism is
endemic to American life… Expresses scepticism
towards dominant legal claims of neutrality,
objectivity, colourblindness meritocracy…
Challenges ahistoricism and insists on the
contextual/historical analysis of the law…
Presumes that racism has contributed to all
contemporary manifestations of group advantage
and disadvantage… Insists on recognition of the
experiential knowledge of people of colour…
Interdisciplinary… Works towards the end of
eliminating racial oppression as part of the
broader goal of ending all forms of oppression'
Ladson Billings and Tate built on this framework,
but warned against moving away too quickly from
this foundation in legal studies. This article
assesses the progress made, by searching several
databases using the descriptors '"critical race
theory in education"' [ 169 hits], and 'critical
race theory and education"' [163 hits] with lots
of overlap. Most alluded to the legal antecedents.
They focused on those that were clearly tied to
the legal literature. The first section summarises
work that uses legal constructs in educational
scholarship, and the second one shows the
interrelated nature of ideas, such as CRT
scholarship on Brown versus Board of Education and
other legal cases. (9)
In the first section, one of the central tenets on
experiential knowledge shows in the theme of
'"voice"' (10), the importance of personal and
community experiences of POC, which we find in
communities or even when we '"look to the
bottom"', to cite Matsuda, those who have
experienced discrimination. We look at personal
narratives and stories as valid forms of evidence
rather than just numbers or other quantitative
perspectives. However there is no single common
voice. Delgado (1990) suggests there is common
experience however. We use voice and stories to
counteract the stories of the dominant group and
claims that its identity and shared reality makes
its own superior position natural. Instead POC
learn to trust their own senses which give them
authority, provide a counter story.
Solorzano and
Yosso ( 2002) argue that this has provided a
'"critical race methodology"' to expose
majoritarian stories of racial privilege.
Fernandez (2002 has a counter story of a Latino
college student reflecting on his experiences in
high school and recounting low expectations, a
focus on discipline, lack of academic rigour.
Another one on Filipino students has negative
stereotypes, lowered expectations, tracking into
vocational courses — both are 'set within a CRT
framework' where CRT helped provide a voice for
the students who were not otherwise heard.
Solorzano (2001) did the same for American HEI
students at white research universities and
noticed feelings of invisibility, low expectations
and negative assumptions, self-doubt, isolation
and 'daily "micro-aggressions" – subtle, automatic
or unconscious racial insults'. He also studied
Chicano/Chicana students and found similar
feelings, and that their experiences were ignored
and invalidated, that they met lowered
expectations and experienced differential
treatment. Villapando and Delgado Bernal (2002)
describe what they call an '"apartheid of
knowledge" in which the dominant discourse within
the mainstream research community devalues the
scholarship faculty of colour' (12) and reduces it
to the margins. That scholarship often focuses on
race and ethnicity which in turn means that that
subject is seen to be legitimate or biased,
lacking neutrality. Tate agrees. The struggle for
voice has revealed micro-aggressions and macro
forms of institutional racism, and the ways in
which 'voices of scholars of colour are silenced
in the Academy' (12).
Telling the stories is important, but we might
need deeper analysis, perhaps going through social
activism. One ethnographic study of black male
students could be an example, contrasting their
counter story with the dominant discourse, using
Delgado to show how black males have been written
off, by particular schooling conditions (13)
[systematically denied interaction majority
societies].
Crenshaw discussing antidiscrimination law notes
there are two visions of equality — restrictive
and expansive. In the expansive view, black
subordination is to be eradicated using the power
of the courts. For the restrictive view, actual
outcomes are to have their significance downplayed
and future wrongdoing prevented, especially in the
form of isolated actions against individuals. The
two have been in tension.
Rousseau and Tate (2003) have used this idea in
examining the beliefs of high school maths
teachers about equity and how they attempt to
treat students equally, when dealing with students
of colour who generally achieved lower than
average. They did not reflect deeply on their own
practices and their effects, but focused on
providing what they saw as equal treatment. Many
practices of teachers can be questioned like this.
Whether the vision of colourblindness would
survive a more expansive vision of equality
remains 'problematic' (14)
For Crenshaw, 'integration, assimilation and
colourblindness have become the official norms of
racial enlightenment', but this is obviously
problematic, and, for CRT theorists, expresses
'"particular colour consciousness… a deeply
politicised choice"'. Gotanda (1991) argues
similarly that the concept of race in the Supreme
Court refers to '"formal categories"' which is
seen as neutral and apolitical, but you which are
in fact socially constructed and related to
matters such as '"culture, education, wealth or
language"' (15) [as usual the lawyers are bloody
good at spotting ideologies — Gotanda apparently
even talks of connections between race and the
'"real social conditions underlying litigation or
other constitutional disputes'.
Analyses of particular desegregation cases can
illustrate that. In one case, Tennessee State
University had an historically black student
population, but the state schools were
predominantly white — the university was'deemed a
problem'[and may have been obliged to
desegregate?]. Another study of high school maths
teachers demonstrated a similarly formal and a
contextual view of race: they refuse to
acknowledge race -related patterns in achievement
and the role of racism, denied that these
differences existed, adopted a colour blind stance
and this prevented them reflecting on their own
practices according to a study by Rousseau and Tate
(2003).
Colourblindness can appear in micro-aggressions
such as 'seemingly innocent schooling discourse…
[Which]… Covertly pathologise students of colour'.
Williams 'another founding member of the CRT
movement' describes an incident affecting her son.
Teachers thought he might have a problem with his
vision and be unable to identify colours because
he kept saying he did not know in response to
questions about colours. Williams eventually
realised that his teacher had made comments about
skin colour being unimportant as liberals, so when
the kid said the colours of other objects didn't
matter, he had really internalised 'the
colourblind discourse' 'as a physical malady'
(16). It is impolite to see skin colour in some
quarters.
This is part of a larger critique of liberalism
found in CRT, and extends to multicultural
education. In this case, no radical change is on
offer — it is incremental just like civil rights
law. This is a call to action rather than a
dismissal of inclusive schooling, because
multicultural education has often been too
superficial (16). Other examples from HE include
white students demonstrating 'a "false empathy"'
for black kids at a particular field site [social
work?] , something paternalistic to white liberals
[shades of white saviour syndrome].
Turning to more specific legal cases. Brown versus
Board of Education can be examined through an
explicit CRT lens. Bell
has seen it as a '"magnificent mirage"' (18).
After ending de jure segregation students of
colour still attend minority skills and there is
'increased segregation' especially in urban school
districts [data on page 18] together with
differential educational opportunity. That is
because of interest convergence [explained a bit
further via Bell 18--19]. According to Harris the
judgement failed to challenge the property value
of whiteness, but rather allowed it to appear in a
more subtle form, as a neutral state [and as
displaced to the housing market].
Another case would be affirmative action and the
legal challenges it has faced, based on 'the
rhetoric of "merit" (21). The argument is that
this has led to less qualified applicants being
admitted. Usually, white students with lower test
scores are also admitted, but this is not
challenged, nor is the weighting given for factors
such as legacy geographic location and so on. Only
white privilege is seen to be valid [Harris
again], via the colourblind norm. Harris has a
number of court cases which have upheld particular
significance of race or ethnicity in admissions
decisions — '"always unconstitutional"' (21).
So some educational scholarship is consistent with
legal scholarship and has stuck to the tenets of
CRT outlined by legal scholars. That has been
successful. However some tenets outlined by
Matsuda have been less clearly articulated in
education [and need to be] — first the
interdisciplinary nature, extending beyond
qualitative research. This should be a focus on
the problems rather than the choice of approach
and method and, 'CRT scholarship in education is
neither inherently "qualitative" nor
"quantitative". Rather, such scholarship should
employ "any means necessary"' (22) [but this
buggers up counter stories and their claimed
privilege?]. Second that CRT works towards
eliminating racial oppression as part of the
broader goal of all oppression, that is it does
active struggle, changing the world, like Bell
actively protesting about Harvard's lack of WOC.
In education we have to expose racism,. identify
strategies to combat it and act on those, make
organised and concerted efforts, get organised,
study the legal literature, be aware of interest
convergence and the property value of whiteness,
use the constructed CRT to their full extent,
examining matters such as 'curricula, school
choice, and even student behaviour that sets
standards for "normal" and "acceptable" actions'
(24)
Good examples might be Vavrus (2002) who has used
CRT to criticise colourblindness and white
privilege within multicultural education. Tracking
mentioned at the start referred to teacher
education, and that might still be examined
Vavrus, M. (2002) Transforming the multicultural
education of teachers: theory, research and
practice (New York, Teachers College Press).
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