Notes on: Dumas, M & ross, k . (2016) "Be
Real Black for Me ": Imagining BlackCrit in
Education. Urban Education 51(4):
415--442. DOI: 10.1177/0042085916628611
Dave Harris
They want to develop BlackCrit within CRT and then
apply it to education to get at the specificity of
blackness.
Early advocates of CRT in education include
Ladson-Billings and Tate, drawing on Woodson and
Du Bois and their studies of black history and
black communities. Dubois talks of double
consciousness, looking at oneself through the eyes
of others. CRT and legal studies led to
understanding schooling as a site in which whites
exercise an absolute right to exclude black kids
requiring a defensiveness which involves
commitment to race as the primary issue. Thus CRT
became a black theorisation of race, an attempt to
make sense of and respond to institutionalised
racism as experienced, focused on antiblack
racism. It is therefore a black critical theory,
and also a theory of race or racism looking at
laws and policies intended to subjugate black
people in the USA [NB]. It is a critique of white
supremacy and the limits of liberal
multiculturalism.
However, it is not the same as a theory of the
specificity of anti-blackness, and antagonism 'in
which the black is a despised thing in itself'
(416), in opposition to everything pure and human.
Hence the need for BlackCrit. This is partly in
response to a number of other crits that developed
in response to CRT -like LatCrit, Asian Crit
whiich critiqued the black-white binary of CRT as
well as addressing specific racial oppressions.
They tried to deepen and complicate the deployment
of race and extend CRT theoretically and
empirically. However this assumes that
CRTadequately addresses blackness, or that 'race'
does .
BlackCrit is necessary because CRT cannot
adequately analyse the specificity of the
black,how anti-blackness is different from white
supremacy, how it informs racist ideology and
practice, how the counter stories of black
experience construct black subjects and positions
them [which exceed race?] In more detailed ways.
BlackCrit looks at how black bodies become
marginalised disregarded and disdained even
'within celebratory discourses on race and
diversity' (417).
The themes picked up in a song by Flack and
Hathaway inviting listeners to embrace blackness
as something beautiful in real, black imagining.
This should be developed by Black Lives Matter as
well, and should include 'black queer and trans
folks' (418). Black bodies have long
been dehumanised, denied education resources,
treated badly by school discipline policies,
insulted, ordered to change their bodily
appearance and it is this that needs to be
understood .
We can extract some themes from CRT, and its
'theoretical imagination' [as depicted in a
novel], which is focused on the USA as 'eager to
be rid of black people… a pointed antipathy
to black existence … The easy market
exchange of black things for other desired goods'.
Whiteness is seen as property, leading to specific
entitlement to domination preserved as claims to
particular benefits in status, so that claims for
redress were seen as 'unwarranted and unequal
taking from whites '(421), and even policies
of affirmative action are still affected by these
conceptions [equal opportunity rather than
redistribution].
Whiteness as property appears in education
research as well, including access to culturally
relevant curricula, entitlement to educational
opportunities, privileged spaces. Black people are
seen as a form of property themselves rather than
people. All land is white property and indigenous
people are not entitled to it, but can only be
labour expanding the property of whites.
Indigenous people must be dispossessed because
they cannot claim property. Slavery was clearly
justified by this notion. Poor whites see
themselves as always worth more than blacks, still
connected to property whites, still identified as
white.
What about into sexuality and other differences
like gender or sexuality in social class? The
original intention was to address black women who
could find themselves disqualified from sex
discrimination if race was a factor in their
unequal treatment, and vice versa [in law]. Gender
tended to be seen as a white issue and race as a
matter of the experience of black men,
marginalising or making invisible the others,and
leading to things like lack of support for
feminism by black women. Race becomes a coalition
between men and women of colour, and extends to
include people with different social classes and
other differences. However BlackCrit wants to not
insist on the unitaryracial location, but stress
instead 'an essential black counter story or
political project' (423 [shades of Sivanandan and
black as a political identity?], But one that must
acknowledge difference and interdependence.
Although CRT is not intended particularly to be a
black theory, it was forced to pay attention to
blackness and anti-blackness, and this led to
criticism of it being excessively binary and
generalising to all racialised subjects.
CRT sought to demystify racism and racial
oppression by seeing it as normal and rooted
firmly in white hegemony, with race as the
organising principle of society .The original
reference was to people of colour, although
African-Americans and heterosexuals were
originally privileged. Afrocentrism was criticised
early, especially by 'nonblack CRT scholars of
colour' (424), exacerbated by the prevalence of a
black/white paradigm. This excluded Latinos and
offered a mere recognition that other people of
colour existed. Other outgroups were marginalised.
In contrast, this critique was seen as 'alienating
black people', and gave succour to white critics.
One suggestion was to refer to the '"white over
black paradigm"' instead (425).
Antiblack racism was clearly central, but whether
it was the fulcrum of white supremacy is more
debatable — some argued it was, because it was
rooted in the very structure of the US economy
with its history of slavery ownership rights
federal election system, criminal codes and
national politics. [Not so for the UK? — We have a
history of benefiting from slavery of course].
Nevertheless specific oppressions of nonblack
groups also had to be investigated and other
'"race crits"' were developed to address Latinos
and Asians and indigenous peoples and how they
were 'raced' (426).
This led in turn to asking whether it is necessary
to have a version of CRT that explicitly focused
on black experience. Other race crits tended to
shift the focus away, and there was even a move to
criticise black people for homophobia or for
stressing the repressive bits of the black-white
paradigms. CRT had perhaps overaligned itself with
some of these other race crits and had decentred
the experiences of blacks. It became important to
include racial experience of black people outside
of the USA, in Africa and the Caribbean [I now see
the push behind the development of CRT in the UK].
BlackCrit seem to do better and to develop a
deeper understanding of race in human rights law
and the ways race and gender intersect with human
rights. There were problems with separate
development especially worries about 'a regressive
black nationalism that may deny sexism in the
black community… And deny the possibility of
African-Americans being racist towards nonblack
people' (427). There was a danger of essentialism,
which could be avoided by denying a uniform black
experience or a universal experience. Focusing on
blackness would enable the particular work to be
done on reproductive politics and black women
(428) [in the USA, via enslavement and the control
of black women's reproduction]. There are still
dangers of anti essentialism.
We still lack much theoretical development, and we
need one especially in education. Back to the
song. It cautions against a false or grandiose
front and the need to be gently admiring of
blackness. We are not ready yet to present
BlackCrit uncritically, as a coherent theory. We
need to point out that there are a number of
critical theories that might be used, but we are
not ready to describe it in terms of fixed tenets.
We need further scholarship. We do have some
framing ideas:
1. Anti-blackness is endemic to human life, an
even more definite statement than the CRT idea
that racism is normal. Blackness is seen as
antagonistic to humanity. We see this best
developed in 'Afro pessimism' where black people
are seen to exist in the social imagination as
slaves, things, with no right to live, a suspect
already targeted for death and social death,
people who only live in '"the afterlife of
slavery"' [US again], with a future it's
impossible to imagine.
2. Blackness is 'in tension with neoliberal –
multicultural imagination'. After World War II
racial discrimination was slowly dismantled in the
USA, with Jim Crow, and multiculturalism embraced.
Neoliberalism was established in the 1980s and it
is now assumed that racism is no longer a barrier
to equal opportunity. But this places the blame
for failure on groups themselves, on their own
choices. Black people are still a problem.
Relative successes of some other groups of colour
are seen as 'evidence at the end of racism' (430).
Black people are in the way of progress. In this
way, modern multiculturalism and diversity is
'often positioned against the lies of black
people'
3. BlackCrit should 'create space for black
liberatory fantasy' and denying majoritarian
stories that remove whites from racial dominance.
We might find inspiration in Tupac Shaker's call
for violence, or in Fanon, as long as we see this
as fantasies, as 'the first taste of freedom'
(431), glimpsing 'the wondrous possibilities of
the ensuing pandemonium', including 'the idea that
the blood of whiteness must flow in the streets'.
We must encourage policy analysis and advocacy in
education, how anti-blackness supports the
infrastructure of educational inequality, the
misrecognition of students of colour and the
distribution of educational resources
School desegregation has been criticised by CRT
scholars because they maintain white material
advantage more than extend opportunities for black
kids, often achieving special educational benefits
for white kids, or creating segregated spaces
within schools. BlackCrit theorists claim that
desegregation can also destabilise black
communities and affect 'healthy black racial
identities and the emotional and social well-being
of black children' (432) who often meet race
hatred and an unsuitable curriculum. Lived
experiences and counter stories must be used
instead, and the 'specific formations of
anti-blackness' inherent in opposition must be
analysed. Some policies simply backfire, for
example offering attractive resources in order to
persuade white parents to send their kids to black
schools compounds anti-blackness. Desegregated
schools threatened to reduce the mechanisms black
people used to cope with prejudice, such as
cultural pluralism.
School discipline 'has become the new equity
issue' (434) as black students are affected
disproportionately even when controlling for
socio-economic status. Their 'bodies, clothing,
choices and spoken and body
language' are at the centre of
struggle over the required 'docile bodily
presence and the intonation and
homogeneous syntax of Standard English'. We must
also understand the symbolic role of discipline in
schools, where the authority of the state is
exercised, and kids experience 'racialised state
repression' including the threat of police
violence. Again Tupac Shaker is quoted. The
dissonance between policies and practices should
be emphasised. [Not at all sure what is being
advocated here then that black bodies should not
be disciplined? Only black bodies?]
Assata Shakur has written a poem [!] To
celebrate black resistance in music and in various
public demonstrations, advocating that the
tradition is carried on, not just in street demos
but also in 'Love for loud colours and love
voices… Sagging pants, hoodie's, and corner store
candies… Gold grills and belly laughs' dreams,
free flow of language, educational imagination
(436)
[All this describes black American subcultures
really, and as the various quotes from songs
indicates, these are quite commercially
valuable]
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