Notes on: Dunatchik, A. & Park, H. (2022)
Racial and Ethnic Differences in Homework Time
among U.S. Teens Sociological Perspectives
1–25 DOI: 10.117 7/07311214221101422
Dave Harris
[A very thorough classic quantitative methods
piece. Shows the art of doing 'positivist' work,
devising ways round operational problems and
making the most of what data you can get,
formulatingmodelas and hypotheses and testing them
then checking for robustness]
There has been intensified competition for college
admissions among US teens who spend more
time on educational activities including homework.
There is an American Time Use Survey (ATUS)
apparently and a Programme for International
Student Assessment (PISA) which looks at
comparisons of race and ethnicity. Apparently
family background accounts for differences in
homework time between Hispanic and White and
partly explains the difference between Black and
White. Academic characteristics or school effects
explain the remaining gaps.
Historically, teens in the US have spent less time
on schoolwork than their counterparts in other
parts of the world especially East Asia, and
research has tended to focus on participation in
nonacademic extracurricular activities such as
sports, music and clubs as well as involvement in
paid work. However recently they are spending more
time on homework and are involved in commercial
prep services and private tutoring, spending less
time unpaid work and and socialising. This is
consistent with more intensified competition for
college admissions and increased parental time and
investment in children's education.
There might be racial and ethnic inequalities in
engagement with private supplementary education,
but there could also be inequalities in homework
time. Those that exist usually distinguish only
between non-Hispanic White and all other ethnic
minority groups combined, while other studies take
race and ethnicity as controls in multivariate
analysis to look at factors such as paid work
time.
Consistent evidence, however suggest a significant
relationship between the amount of time spent on
homework and improved educational outcomes, for
high school students although not necessarily for
younger ones, although there is some debate about
how big this effect is [references p.2]. The two
surveys mentioned in the abstract provide data on
average daily educational time, including time
spent in class on homework and and other
educational activities such as 'SAT preparation'
and how this varies. There are 'substantial racial
and ethnic differences'. They go on to examine how
diverse aspects of family background including
SES, family structure and location, and students'
academic background, test scores and expectations
and the demographic characteristics, age, gender
and 'nativity' contribute to these differences. We
have to use both measures to do this. School
effects are examined because they might vary
including homework practices [not sure what they
do exactly — examined to see if schools are
successful in promoting ethnic minority students?]
They take these other factors to go back to try
and explain successful students as identified in
the first study which focused only on demographic
characteristics and family background factors.
Homework time might not have a uniform
relationship, but it seems to be generally
positive and a possible explanation of racial and
ethnic differences, especially when examining
Asian-Americans, their effort and work ethic. One
particular study [cited on p3] showed that
African-American sophomores spent less time on
homework than their non-Hispanic White
counterparts and Asian American students spent
most time, family income occupation in education
partly accounted for this difference so did family
structure, but this study did not examine homework
time specifically nor consider school effect in
the form of school relationships between race and
homework time in each school. The sample might be
limited as well. Another study found that Asian
American high school students spend nearly 2 hours
per day on homework, almost twice the amount spent
on White and Hispanic students, and Black students
only spent 30 minutes per day, but this study did
not examine factors. A third study used data from
the time use survey and found that native born
Hispanic and native born Black adolescents spent
'significantly less time studying than their
non-Hispanic nativeborn White peers' but that the
differences disappeared after taking family SES
and demographic factors into account. The most
time studying was by Asian immigrant adolescents
and this did not substantially change even after
controlling for SES and demographic variables.
Overall, these studies do show that Black and to a
lesser extent Hispanic students spend less time on
homework than White peers, but Asian American
students spend most time of all, and that this can
be seen as independent to some extent of SES and
demographic background.
We also need to try and pin down students academic
characteristics, however, their prior performance
and their educational expectations. Some studies
show this might particularly favour
Asian-Americans and their efforts and persistence.
These are positively associated with homework
time, especially when they expect to receive
college degree. There is also 'between-school
variation' (4), with significant differences
between the schools attended by White students and
racial and ethnic minority students —
'socio-economic contexts, overall academic
performance, teacher experience and resources…
Academic climates, including the importance the
schools and teachers attached homework and
homework related practices (e.g. the frequency and
quantity of homework assignments)'. Peer groups
also have an effect on academic climates, and some
can reinforce academic norms, while others can
produce effects despite individuals
characteristics and expectations.
The school level variables are hard to estimate in
their effect, and to separate them from students
and characteristics. They have used 'school –
fixed effect models' to estimate these effects.
They proceeded by drawing on the existing two
surveys to examine racial and ethnic differences
in daily educational time, and how they have
changed over the last decade. Then they use
regression analysis to identify the factors and
account for any differences, especially in
homework time. They focus especially on students
academic characteristics and school setting, to
supplement the previous explanations which relied
on family background and demographic factors. They
then formulated three hypotheses:
1.Racial and ethnic
differences in family background characteristics
(family structure, family resources and
location) 'explain differences in homework time
between Black and White and between Hispanic and
White students
2. Differences in family
background alone do not sufficiently account for
differences in homework time and we need further
explanations 'differences in students' academic
characteristics between Asian and White
students'
3. 'Between school
differences partially explain differences in
homework time for all racial and ethnic minority
groups compared with White students' (5)
They used American Time Use Survey (ATUS) and the
US version of PISA 2012. The first has diary
estimates of time use, family and household
characteristics but nothing on academic background
or schools, while the second does have
school-related information and students' academic
characteristics but only 'stylised survey
estimates' of time spent on homework. The first is
a nationally representative cross section and one
(15 year old at least) individual from each
household completes a time diary. Yearly samples
especially for Asians are rather small so they
pooled the data across 16 years of results. PISA
includes test results on basic subjects and
surveys family background study habits, attitudes
towards learning and the principles of
participating schools and their learning
environments. It's quite a large survey across 65
countries — 4978 students [ATUS had 6791 students,
although they excluded some and ended with 3165]
They wanted to measure the number of minutes
respondents spent doing homework per day. The
surveys measured this differently — the first one
is a better measure because it used time diary
data, while the second one reports average amounts
spent on homework each week. Categories of race
and ethnicity also differ — the PISA data has six
categories (non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic
Black, Hispanic, non-Hispanic Asian, multiracial,
and other — they collapse the last two into one
other category).ATUS has a five category variable,
including a rather heterogeneous other category.
They control for gender and whether the respondent
was born in the USA. Family background measures
include a binary of whether respondents live in a
two-parent household, and whether they have at
least one parent with a bachelors degree. They
measured family income. Missing information was
fairly small. They had some wealth data and data
about the size of the community in which people
lived, again a binary, Metropolitan or not. For
academic characteristics and school IDs, they used
PISA assessment scores which were classified into
'tertiles' [so were other variables like income
and wealth], and average scores for maths science
and reading as a measure of prior academic
achievement. They use the scores 'to predict
homework time' [?], So they cannot use PISA data
to get at the relationship between homework time
and test scores. They also included a measure of
the level of education that students expected to
complete, and whether this was at degree level.
[Classic workmanlike way to manage this data, lots
of combinations and simplifications are needed]
For the first survey they did some regressions to
estimate racial and ethnic differences in time
spent on homework. The particular model was
'nested ordinary least squares' and this has been
criticised for time use data because there are a
lot of zeros. Nevertheless they began with
gross differences then added various
controls, like basic demographic characteristics,
'gender, age, nativity, survey years and the day
of the time diary (weekend versus weekday)' (7).
In the second model they added family
background measures '(family structure, parental
education, family income, and metropolitan
location)' to examine the role of family
background. For the PISA data they did something
similar estimating gross differences and then
adding basic demographic characteristics and
further measures of family background. However
they had some additional models with this survey
and added 'students to schools and educational
expectations' to the third model. Then
they had two additional models focusing on
between school differences. They are able to
modify their own model 2 with school fixed effects
to try to see the extent to which racial and
ethnic differences in homework time are 'robust to
school fixed effects' even after we've allowed for
demographic characteristics and family background.
They were able to modify their own model 3 with
school effects similarly. They weren't able to
identify specific school level variables but they
did get 'improved estimates of racial and ethnic
differences among students within the same schools
by controlling for unobserved school
characteristics' these characteristics 'may affect
students homework time' however, this can
obviously only deal with characteristics that are
observed. Overall, including these effects
'increase confidence that the racial and ethnic
differences in homework, if any, are not due to
differences in school quality or any other
characteristics between schools that minority
students typically attend and those attended by
White students'. [This is odd though and seems to
be contradicted below --maybe they are talking
about diferent school characteristics in
eachcase?]
They then did something clever 'to generate
nationally representative estimates with correct
standard errors' (8)
They offer 'descriptive portraits'[for idiots like
me]. They categorised educational activities from
the first survey into three — daily time spent in
high school classes, time spent on homework,
specifically '"research in homework for class or
degree certification or licensure"', and time
spent on supplementary educational activities
'(such as SAT preparation, participation in
academic clubs and additional classes)'. Black
students spent less time overall compare with
White students — 4 hours 45 minutes compared to 5
hours and 1 minute, while Asian students spent 6
hours and 36 minutes and Hispanic 5 hours and 10
minutes, although this was down to greater time
spent in classes.
There were 'substantial differences' in the time
spent on homework. Black students spent 20 fewer
minutes a day on homework compared with White
students, whereas Hispanic students spent 6 fewer
minutes, and Asian students spent twice as much
time on homework, 2 hours 14 minutes a day
compared with 56 minutes for White students. Asian
students also spent more time on supplementary
activities, although this was only a small
proportion of time overall
This proportion spent on homework has' changed
considerably over the past 15 years', for all
racial and ethnic groups, probably after increased
competition for college admission, but increases
in homework time 'was steepest among Asian
students'. Differences in homework time between
White, Hispanic and Black students narrowed over
time. Small sample sizes make generalisations
difficult, though
Considering data from both surveys produces
similar reports of average daily time, although
estimates tended to be lower than the time diary
records, except for Black students, and this
resulted in smaller racial and ethnic differences
in home time. However the relative magnitude was
consistent. [There may be other reasons for
smaller differences, including measurement errors
and ethnic heterogeneity, which only appear here
and are not discussed in the other data! (10)].
Family characteristics were significantly
different, with White and Asian students more
likely to live in two-parent households and Black
students least likely [below 50% in both surveys].
White and Asian students were more likely to have
a parent with a college degree or higher, to come
from more financially advantaged backgrounds, to
be least likely to live in large metropolitan
communities, and least likely to be born outside
of the USA especially compared with Asian
students. Apart from that their education
experiences were fairly similar across racial and
ethnic characteristics. Most expected to obtain a
BA, although Hispanic students less likely to
[still 73%, but compared to 83% of White students,
Asian students 90%].
More specific testing of the models and the first
survey showed substantial gross differences in
homework time [1st model] — Asian students 78 more
minutes a day than White students, Black and
Hispanic students 20 and 6 fewer minutes on
homework per day. By the time they had added the
variables detailed in the second model, the basic
demographics, they found the differences between
Black and White and Hispanic and White increased
to 21 minutes and 11 minutes respectively, but the
gap between Asian and White reduced by 10% to 70
minutes. This may be starting to measure the
impact of foreign-born students who tend to spend
more minutes per day than their native peers.
Female students do as well. The model including
racial and ethnic differences in family background
explained 'a substantial proportion of the
observed gaps in homework time' — taken together
43% of the difference in homework time between
Black and White students, 84% between Hispanic and
White, and 6% of the gap between Asian and White
[this is the one that takes to into account family
structure, parental education, family income, and
living in the metropolitan area]
Testing models with the second survey, PISA, there
were smaller racial and ethnic gaps in the first
place, although the trends were consistent. The
gross model showed that Black students spent 10
minutes less per day on homework compared with
White, and Asian students 35 minutes a day more
than White students, Hispanic students 3 minutes
fewer than White, although this was not
statistically significant. Adding demographic
characteristics explain 6% of the differences in
homework time between Black and White and reduced
differences to 9 and 33 minutes between Black and
White and Asian and White. Adding family
background together with demographic
characteristics accounted for 29% of the
difference in homework time between Black and
White, and 43% of the difference between Hispanic
and White, 16% the difference between Asian
and White — Black students spent 7 minutes less on
homework compared with White students and Asian
students 29 more minutes on homework, Hispanic
students 2 fewer minutes on homework than White
students, but not statistically significant.
They then went on to look at school effect and
academic background characteristics. Here, the
full model showed that the difference between
Black and White students 'disappears once students
experience prior to schools and educational
expectations are taken into account in addition to
family background' (15). There is still a
difference between Asian and White students, but
it is reduced by 15%, from 29 minutes to 25
minutes, although this is still significant, and
supports the second hypothesis, but the result for
Black and White students did contradict their
expectations and shows a more substantial role
than they expected for students' academic
background and explaining Black and White
differences.
The modified models take into account school fixed
effects and do not show a difference in homework
time between Black and White students, [so there
is a school effect?] — 'The schools attended by
Black students tend to be less conducive to
homework than those attended by White students,
although the school fixed effect model cannot
identify specific school level factors that are
responsible' (15), so they expect these factors to
be 'likely overestimated'. Gaps in homework time
between Asian and White students also decreased,
implying 'that Asian students are more likely than
White students to attend schools more conducive to
homework time' [in a real weasel here — 'ignoring
between-school differences overestimates Asian
students' greater time spent on homework compared
with their White peers' (16)].
The third modified model produced statistically
insignificant differences between Black and White
and Hispanic and White homework times and did not
change the differences between Black Hispanic and
White students. It didn't reduce the difference
between Asian and Whites by a further 24%.
Overall, they think there is support for the third
hypotheses, that 'between school differences
partially explain differences in homework time for
all racial and ethnic minority groups compared
with White students… School setting is
particularly important in explaining the
difference in homework time between Asian and
White students'.
Overall they think that the gap in homework time
between Hispanic and White students was 'not
substantial', even not significant when family
background differences were held constant. The
difference in homework time between Black and
White students remains significant after
controlling for family background but became
negligible and statistically insignificant once
'either students' academic background or school
fixed effects were considered in addition to
family background… Differences in academic
characteristics and school environment between
Black and White students play an important role in
explaining the gap in homework time'. Asian
students spend 'significantly more time on
homework than their White counterparts even after
controlling for family background. Both students
'academic background and school fixed effect
partially accounted for the difference… However
substantially difference [sic] in homework time
remained'.
They conducted several 'supplementary analyses' to
test the results and how run they were, rerunning
their main models limiting the sample to those who
were active for at least 10 minutes of homework
per day. The results were similar. They tested
several models better at handling data with large
numbers of zero observations, and again found
robust findings and conclusions although
differences in the magnitude of their variations.
They then reran all the PISA models choosing only
schools with at least one Asian student
represented in the students sample, again find
inconsistencies with those data they have
reported.
In conclusion, they found they were substantial
variations in daily homework time, summarised as
56 minutes a day for White students, 37 minutes
for Black, 50 minutes for Hispanic, 134 minutes
for Asians. There are also differences in time
spent on daily educational activities. All groups
have increased the time spent on homework, and
differences between ethnic minorities have
narrowed, but those between White and Asian
students have widened. However their analysis is
'only suggestive'.
Their regression analyses do reflect prior
research findings and indicate that family
background characteristics also matter and explain
differences in homework time, but not fully
especially when comparing the differences between
White and Black and White and Asian. Looking at
academic characteristics and school setting
further reduces the differences in homework time
so the school environment, and differences in time
between Black and White are reduced to statistical
insignificance, although differences remain
between Asian and White students and 'substantial
gaps in homework time remain'
So a number of factors at a variety of levels
influence homework behaviour. When we compare
those who are similar in terms of 'family
background, academic characteristics and school
setting, Black, Hispanic and White students did
not differ substantially in their homework time,
while Asian students still spend more time on
homework per day' (17 ), evidence of a potential
mechanism for the '"Asian advantage"'. In my also
be evidence for the strategies cultural ethos
among marginalised ethnic communities that see
educational success as a main tool for social
mobility to overcome racism. They might also
indicate the successful mentoring ethnic minority
youth.
[So hang on,the ony real differences after we have
taken into account all the background factors are
between Asians and the rest?]
There are limitations. Qualitative measures of
homework time might be more important, including
how well they are integrated into the curriculum.
People might benefit differently from the same
amount of homework and there may be racial and
ethnic variations There are additional variables
such as 'network effects, competition and
pressure, and achievement norms'. Cross-sectional
approaches have made it difficult to focus on
specific factors such as prior academic
achievement. Nevertheless, early research has been
updated and homework is important as an indicator
of academic effort or commitment. It might be as
important as differences in family background,
especially for Asian-White differences. Reducing
racial and ethnic differences in educational
performance 'should take a multidimensional
approach'.
|
|