Ruth Phillips
DEMONS FOR A
NEW AGE?
NEW AGE
TRAVELLERS, THE MEDIA
AND MORAL PANICS
The number of travellers in the UK has been
estimated at anywhere between 60-120,000 (Bowers 2002; Council of
Europe, 1994,
cited by Hetherington, 2000; Gypsy & Traveller Law Reform
Coalition,
2006). This includes Gypsies, Showmen,
New Age Travellers, Scottish and Irish Travellers as well as labouring
gangs
and other itinerants squatting on empty land or derelict buildings
(Earle,
Dearling, Whittle, Glasse & Gubby 1994).
Whilst these different groups of travellers may represent
a plethora of
separate cultures and beliefs, they all have one thing in common - the
persecution of their nomadic lifestyle (Clark & Dearling, 1999).
“Social
groups create deviance by making the rules whose infractions constitute
deviance, and by applying those rules to particular people and
labelling them
as outsiders” (1963, cited in McLaughlin et al., 2003)
It is through the history of the free
festivals, with particular reference to Stonehenge in 1985 and
Castlemorten in
1992, that this essay will trace Cohens model of moral panics and the
scapegoating of New Age Travellers as contemporary folk devils. In Cohens study of the clashes between Mods
and Rockers in the 1960's, he recognised that the original disturbance
was
fairly insignificant but was blown out of all proportion by the media. This resulted in much larger subsequent
gatherings, greater levels of deviance and more serious clashes (Cohen,
1987,
2nd edition). Cohen drew on Beckers
Label theory and the process of deviancy amplification put forward by
Watkins
(1965), and identified the role of the media in this process. Media coverage of New Age Travellers clearly
fits this model and characteristics, as will be shown.
In examining this process through the history
of festivals I will aim to highlight some of the misconceptions which
were
paraded as fact by the media.
The very name ‘New Age Travellers’ is
generally considered to be a media label (Davis, Grant & Locke,
1994). The fact that this group of
travellers have
become universally known as such, despite rejection of the title by
many who
follow this lifestyle, points to the influence of the media on public
perception of these travellers. Also
known as the ‘Peace Convoy’, or in much of the tabloid media simply as
‘Hippies’ (Mason, 2006), making reference to the roots of the movement
in the
free festivals of the 1970’s.
The first ‘Peoples Free Festival’ at
Stonehenge took place in 1974 and was inspired by festivals such as
Woodstock
in America and the Isle of Wight and Windsor Free festivals in the UK
(Barrett,
2006). As other festivals began to
spring up throughout the countryside, it was a small step for people
travelling
from festival to festival throughout the summer, to actually living in
their
vehicles throughout the year (Channel 4, 1991).
Festivals were of major importance to this newly emerging
Traveller
population not only as social meeting place but as a market place
operating it
own economy. Vehicles, food, drugs,
handicrafts and services could be bought, sold or bartered at
festivals, and
this provided a means of financing the lifestyle throughout the year
(Hetherington, 2000). Added to this
was
the self policing aspect of the festivals, and indeed the lifestyle as
a whole,
whereby whatever problems occurred were dealt with or resolved without
recourse
to outside agencies (Carey, 2006). While
a carnivalesque atmosphere presided, whereby normal rules were turned
on their
head (Hetherington, 2000), these were not lawless gatherings. A strong sense of community and the pagan
spirit of ‘An it harm none, do what thou wilt’ (the Wiccan Rede, see
for
example, Gates, 2006) created an autonomous society but meant that
those who
did overstep the boundaries were dealt with quickly and sometimes
severely,
often by expulsion from the site (Carey, 2006).
Much has been said about the reasons for
the emergence of New Age Travellers.
Certainly there would have been those who sought a
solution to difficult
social circumstances such as homelessness, financial difficulties,
relationship
breakdown etc (Davis et al., 1994), but this alone would not
explain the
relatively small numbers who have adopted this lifestyle.
There needs also to have been an ideology,
perhaps influenced by the counter-culture of the 1960’s.
Ken Kesey and his Merry Pranksters, who
travelled around America in the 1960’s in psychedelic painted vehicles,
have
been cited as an influence (Worthington, 2006; Hetherington, 2000) as
well as a
growing awareness of social and environmental issues - the term ‘Peace
Convoy’
referring to the involvement of New Age Travellers in protests against
nuclear
weapons in the early 1980’s (Hetherington, 2000).
A search for self sufficiency and
authenticity is another motivation put forward by academics
(Worthington, 2006;
Barrett, 2006; Lodge, 2006) and Travellers alike (see Lowe & Shaw
(eds),
1993). This is an explanation for the
importance of festivals, and in particular Stonehenge, in the emergence
and
subsequent culture of New Age Travellers.
Stonehenge as a cultural gathering place, particularly at
the Midsummer
Solstice, is not confined to New Age Travellers, but rather was adopted
by them
for reasons which will be discussed below.
Built over 4000 years ago, Stonehenge was ‘re-discovered’
in 1723 and by
the end of the 19th century up to 3000 people would gather
there for
the Solstice, with pubs in nearby Amesbury staying open all night to
accommodate the often rowdy visitors (Worthington, 2006).
The establishment of the Peoples Free
Festival was simply a continuation of an age old tradition, responding
to a
need, observed across cultures and time, for people to come together
and
celebrate (Lodge1, 2006)
By 1984
Stonehenge Festival was a month long affair attended by an estimated
40,000
people (Carey, 2006). On the whole it
was peaceful and, consistent with the authorities attitudes of
toleration shown
in the 1970’s, was managed peacefully by the Police (Worthington, 2006). However the festival was perhaps becoming
problematic, due to the growing scale but also in the perception that
it
represented an open defiance and resistance to the accepted order of
mainstream
society (Hetherington, 2000). To
understand why this was viewed as such a threat it is also necessary to
understand something of the political climate of these times. The Conservatives had come into power, under
the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, in 1979 and had set about
reforming a
country which, economically at least, was on its knees. Riots in
Toxteth and
Brixham in the early 1980s are an indication of the dissent and
rebellion felt
by many in the lower classes. Police tactics employed in the Miners
Strike
heralded a new direction in police organisation (James, 2005) perceived
by many
as the attempted imposition of a police state (Lodge, 2006). In the light of all this, it seems inevitable
that some kind of confrontation with New Age Travellers would follow.
And
follow it did! In 1985, English
Heritage, newly founded by the government to manage sites such as
Stonehenge,
decided through consultation with local councils and police, to ban the
upcoming festival at Stonehenge. To this
effect a four mile exclusion zone was set up around Stonehenge and
large
numbers of police were drafted in from surrounding constabularies to
ensure the
festival did not go ahead (Channel 4, 1991).
On June 1st, a convoy of 140 Travellers
vehicles was stopped
by a police roadblock near the Hampshire/Wiltshire border - a good
three miles
outside the exclusion zone. What
followed has become known, inaccurately, as The Battle of the Beanfield
and
what was described by veteran ITN reporter Kim Sabido, as
“Some of the most brutal police treatment of people that
I’ve
witnessed in my entire career as a journalist” (Channel 4, 1991)
There
are several good accounts which chronicle the events of that day (see,
for
example, the Channel 4 documentary ‘Operation Solstice’, 1991, or Alan
Lodges
‘The Story So Far’, 2006), but for the purposes of this essay a blow by
blow
account is not necessary. There are,
however, some interesting points to be made in relation to theories of
deviance, deviancy amplification and the creation of moral panics.
Beckers’ Label theory can be clearly evidenced here, in that the travellers were breaking no law until the authorities acted to outlaw the festival and took out an injunction and created an exclusion zone around Stonehenge. This exclusion zone did not apply to local residents, or to those people driving along the A303 right past the monument, but was applied to anyone who looked like a New Age Traveller or festival-goer. In this way, anyone attempting to reach Stonehenge with any intention of holding or attending a festival was immediately criminalised, and the events of June 1st led to the largest mass arrest in history. Likewise, the Public Order Act 1986, the governments first attempt to deal with New Age Travellers, made made trespass a criminal, rather than a civil offence for the first time in hundreds of years (Lodge, 2006).
, The effect of this labelling process may
have contributed to the events of the day as well as having a longer
term
effect on New Age Traveller culture and lifestyle.
Wilkins (1965) theory of deviancy
amplification was heavily drawn on by Stanley Cohen in his work on
moral panics
(1987, 2nd edition), and can be applied here.
The diagram below demonstrates the theory most clearly,
showing the
spiral which occurs once a group have been labelled as deviant and have
drawn a
response from the general public, media or other public institution. Both the deviance and the response can
escalate during a moral panic, and become a self fulfilling prophesy.
Firstly we can apply the theory to the
events of June 1st 1985. The convoy of
travellers, faced with arrest at the roadblock, broke through the hedge
and
fence into the adjacent field, thus committing criminal damage. After a tense stand-off lasting several
hours, up to 1000 police in full riot gear came into the field and
began
smashing windscreens and windows and violently arresting travellers. The remaining travellers then began to drive
their vehicles around the field and into another (bean)field to evade
arrest. One particular coach, its
occupants having witnessed the police brutality towards fellow
travellers and
their vehicles, kept driving ever more erratically and refusing to stop. When the police finally managed to bring this
coach to a standstill they swarmed upon it in huge numbers and acted
even more
severely in their arrest of the occupants, as a reaction to the
seemingly
defiant stance of these particular travellers (Channel 4, 1991)
Thus there is a clear escalation of what
may be termed or viewed as deviance in the rule-breaking of the
travellers, as
well as in the response of the police, which in fact could also be
termed as
deviant. Likewise there was perhaps a
longer term escalation of deviance amongst the travellers in two ways -
that
the resulting media attention attracted other people to the lifestyle,
and that
an attitude developed amongst travellers, that nothing mattered anymore. As Lodge (2006) describes it:
"There
were plenty of people who had got something positive together, who came
out of
the Beanfield with a world view of 'fuck everyone!'"
The involvement of the media at this point
is also very interesting and ties in with Cohens analysis of media
involvement
in moral panics. Cohens interactionist
approach, being more interested in the process of moral panics, was
non-committal in the reasons or motivation for media reaction, stating
that
“The
mass media operate within certain definitions of what is newsworthy …
there are
built-in factors, ranging from the individual newsman’s intuitive hunch
about
what constitutes a ‘good story’, through precepts such as ‘give the
public what
it wants’ to structured ideological biases, which predispose the media
to make
a certain event into news” (1987:45)
It could be argued that the Battle of the
Beanfield was simply a 'good story' and to some extent this is borne
out in
Timothy Masons analysis of media coverage of the event.
Through a daily examination of various
newspapers Mason found that
"The
'battle' itself took place on Saturday; by time the Monday morning
papers were
published the event was no longer of first importance, for the riot at
Heysel,
which put the whole world of football in disarray, had become the main
event of
the moment" (2006)
However, Mason also identified, in line
with Cohen (1987), what was to become an ongoing pattern of media
distortion
and misrepresentation, stating that
"In
practically all the articles in the Sun covering this episode, the
'hippies'
are presented as potentially violent and delinquent, while the police
are seen
as an objective authority, whose words are always worthy of respect"
(2006)
This kind of reporting, where the words and
opinions of 'experts' are given particular weight, was identified by
Herman
& Chomsky as one of the ‘filters’ in their model of the media. In ‘Manufacturing Consent’, Herman and
Chomsky view the media as a hegemonic tool which serves to
“filter
out the news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow the
government and
dominant private interests to get their message across to the public”
(1988)
In this sense, the media are part of what
they term a ‘propaganda model’, but this is not viewed as a conspiracy,
but
rather as the way that capitalism inevitably functions.
They argue that this hegemony is so
naturalized that journalists and other media professionals are not
aware that
they are operating with anything other than complete integrity.
On this occasion there were very few
journalists actually present to witness the events they reported, the
majority
of them having followed directives to stay behind police lines at the
bottom of
the hill "for their own safety".
Many of the reporters and photographers who did venture
forward were
blocked, threatened with arrest or subsequently found that their
material had
mysteriously disappeared (Channel 4, 1991). ITN's Kim Sabidos heartfelt
narration was replaced by a dispassionate voice-over when the heavily
edited
version of his report was aired on the national news that evening.
"When
I got back to ITN during the following week and I went to the library
to look
at all the rushes, most of what I thought we'd shot was no longer there. From what I've seen of what ITN have provided
since, it just disappeared, particularly some of the nastier shots"
(Sabido, cited by Carey, 2006)
Similarly, a freelance photographer,
working for the Observer that day, having been arrested and thereby
removed
from the scene at the time, only to find that the negatives he had
managed to
shoot later disappeared from Observer archives during an office move. Another photographer who narrowly evaded
arrest, found that his film disappeared despite having been left in the
keeping
of a firm of solicitors (Carey, 2006).
Another aspect of media reportage that
Mason picks up, is the ridiculing of the Earl of Cardigan, who allowed
travellers to recuperate on the land he managed for his father in
Savernake
Forest, in the days after the 'battle'.
Local aristocrat and secretary of the Marlborough
Conservative
Association, the Earl actually witnessed the entire debacle on June
1st, and
was appalled by what he described as "unspeakable" police violence
and "grotesque events" (Carey, 2006).
In the media he was portrayed as a 'loony lord' with even
the Times
declaring that being "barking mad was probably hereditary" - an
oblique reference to the fact that the Earls great-great-grandfather
led the
charge of the Light Brigade (Mason, 2006; Carey, 2006).
In this way the media presented a view of the
Earl as "the typical upper class twit" (Mason, 2006), perhaps seeking
to undermine his credibility as a witness (Carey, 2006).
Justification for the police action that
day, as well as one theory of media involvement in moral panics
generally
(insert ref), was that it was a response to the concerns of the general
public. However, this explanation
falters in the light of anecdotal evidence of the local reaction to the
convoy
which made its way towards Stonehenge that day.
As Lodge says
“People
stood outside their garden gates, smiling and waving at us. A carnival atmosphere with little evidence of
the ‘local opposition’ that we had been led to believe was one of the
reasons
for obtaining the court orders” (2006)
Observer correspondent Nick Davies also
describes the local reaction to the convoy in these terms, and
discusses how
his family and friends, who lived nearby, neither opposed the festival
or could
condone the police action (Channel 4, 1991)
In this vein I can also cite my own
experience when in 1992 I was at the head of a convoy heading for a
festival at
Smeathorpe, near the Somerset/Devon border.
Having been turned back by police roadblock on the A30, we
attempted to
reach the festival by way of the tiny country lanes which criss-crossed
the area. We were again intersected by the
police at a
crossroads in the centre of a large village and a stand off developed
as we
refused to turn to the left where the roadblock was preventing our
route
straight on. The local villagers, far
from opposing or feeling intimidated by what was now a large number of
angry
travellers, brought out drinks and sandwiches to us and a prominent
local man
came forward and announced, on behalf of the village, that we were
welcome and
they didn’t understand why the police were blocking our access to the
nearby festival!
Of course, this wasn’t always the reaction
encountered and at the time of my own involvement with the New Age
Traveller
scene there was widespread intolerance of travellers amongst the
general
public. What is unclear however, is
whether this intolerance was genuinely bottom up, or was created by the
media
amongst a public who, for the most part, would have had little or no
direct
experience of New Age Travellers. The
‘willfull ignorance’, observed as an aspect of moral panics (Goode
&
Ben-Yehuda, cited by Jones & Jones,1999) leads the public to
embrace the
stereotypes presented by the media with little question.
The stereotype of New Age Travellers
presented by the media and by politicians could be described as a self
fulfilling prophesy, brought about largely by the spiral of deviancy
amplification as a result of attitudes, policies and legislation
against New
Age and other travellers. Typically
portrayed as work-shy dole scroungers (Hetherington, 2000), a study by
carried
out for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation in 2001, stated that these
stereotypes
were “greatly exaggerated”. The study
found that paid work was important to New Age Travellers, with the
majority of
those interviewed either working or having had work within the last
year, and
few claiming benefits fraudulently or unnecessarily.
The study also acknowledged the role that
festivals had played in the Travellers desired self-sufficiency
(Utting,
2001). This point is also mirrored in a
1986 report on ‘Itinerant Claimants’ commissioned by the then
Department of
Health and Social Security, which recognised that police action had
“disrupted
the normal festival economy, and large numbers of claims to
Supplementary
Benefit were made” (cited by Carey, 2006)
Likewise there is a stereotype of
travellers constantly trespassing on private land, “with no respect for
the law
or the rights of others” (Douglas Hurd MP, cited by Hetherington, 2006). This is constantly reinforced by the media
with words such as “invasion” and “rampage” (Mason, 2006) and by
headlines such
as the Daily Telegraphs “Hordes of Marauding Locusts” (1992, cited by
Lodge,
2006). This linguistic association of
Travellers as some kind of army can also be seen in a confidential
police report
on the Battle of the Beanfield, which describes the convoy in terms of
“leaders” and “lieutenants or warriors
[who] carry out the wishes of the convoy leader, intimidating other
groups on
site” (cited by Carey, 2006). Police
logs from June 1st 1985, directs officers to concentrate
their efforts
on the vehicles at the front of the convoy, which they term “the
personnel
carriers” (Channel 4, 1991)
This representation of New Age Travellers
as an invading force is farcical, but has the effect of presenting the
Travellers as a serious, physical threat to the state.
Again there may be a case to answer for the
theory of deviancy amplification. It has
been argued that as a result of the policies and legislation aimed at
the
Travellers, and in particular the demise of the festival scene, the
community
became fragmented and the small element of Travellers intent on causing
trouble
was less easy to contain (Lodge2, 2006).
However, there are other, more subtle
points to be made here. A report for the
Childrens Society makes clear that Travellers will avoid stopping on
private or
farm land wherever possible, thus negates the stereotype of wanton
trespass and
disregard for property. The fact that
Travellers do park on private land has been shown to be a direct result
of
legislation contained in the Public Order Act 1986, which left little
option to
do otherwise (Davis et al., 1994).
Powers contained in this Act, which were aimed at "persons
residing
in vehicles" (Johnson, Murdoch & Willers, 2006), were further
strengthened in the Criminal Justice Act 1994, and effectively outlawed
New Age
and other travellers (Rosenberger, 2006).
Not only did trespass become a criminal offence,
punishable by fine or
imprisonment, but the duty of local authorities to provide sites for
travellers, as laid down in the Caravan Sites Act 1968, was lifted. At the same time traditional Travellers sites
which had been in use for centuries, were sealed off or built upon,
leading to
a 67% decrease between 1986 and 1993 (Community Architecture Group
study, cited
by Lodge1, 2006). As a result
many Travellers were then forced to park on private land, thus
criminalising
themselves.
The Criminal Justice Act is seen by some as
a reaction to a general increase in festival after 1985 (Channel 4,
1991), and
in particular to the festival at Castlemorten Common in 1992, which
drew huge
media attention. Others maintain that
Castlemorten was "at least partly engineered" by the authorities
(Lodge2, 2006). This claim is
made on the grounds that a huge police intelligence operation had been
running
for some time, and leaked documents revealed that enhanced police
resources
were in place for the expected Avon Free Festival that weekend, making
it
highly unlikely that a festival could have gone ahead without police
knowledge
or intervention. My own experience
supports this. Having set off from
Oxford in a convoy of 4 or 5 vehicles we were heading, on vague
information
received, for Stroud area. Just north of
Bristol we were stopped by police and escorted by them for the next
eight
hours, herded into a larger and larger convoy, eventually comprising at
least
100 vehicles. Having no idea exactly
where or why the police were escorting us, we were both relieved and
deeply
suspicious when they eventually delivered us to Castlemorten, where a
festival
was just getting underway, attracting an estimated 30,000 people (Lodge2,
2006)
The media outrage with which this festival
was met could be argued as promoting or even manufacturing
justification for
the Criminal Justice Bill which followed hard on its heels (Lodge2,
2006). Police powers were stepped up
which meant that unauthorised sites could be evicted with ease, whilst
no
authorised sites would be made available, and outlawed nomadism once
and for
all. The potential for further deviancy
amplification was recognised in the Childrens Society Report, Out of
Site, Out
of Mind, which stated that
"With
repeated evictions, frustrations will increase, and the relationship
between
Travellers and the local authority and the police will become more
prone to
conflict" (Davis et al., 1994)
The perceived result of the introduction of
the Criminal Justice Act was that Travellers were finally beaten. They dropped out of the media limelight and
therefore out of public consciousness.
Certainly things changed, but New Age Travellers have not,
in reality,
disappeared.
"In
some ways the CJA sorted the wheat from the chaff - the more sorted
travellers
either found safe park-ups, bought land and hid away or ran the
gauntlet of the
planning system, moved to Europe and generally learnt to keep their
heads
down" (Ground Elder, 2004)
In conclusion it can be seen that the media
played a role in the creation of the moral panic surrounding New Age
Travellers. It is unlikely that any
other than a minority of the general public were affected by or had any
direct
experience of New Age Travellers, which makes it hard to equate the
instigation
of the moral panic with genuine, bottom up, public concern. Rather it could be argued that New Age
Travellers were seen as a direct threat to capitalism, and therefore to
the
elite, who then sought to eradicate them.
The show of force displayed at in 1985 was not only
ineffective but
counter-productive in that, through media attention, more people were
attracted
to the lifestyle and festivals proliferated.
The introduction of legislation created a spiral of
deviancy
amplification which went some way to justifying the stereotypes
portrayed in
the media. This ongoing negative media
coverage, mirrored by the comments of various MPs, could be seen as a
more
hegemonic strategy, which turned public opinion against Travellers,
ultimately
justifying the introduction of more draconian legislation.
This legislation, ostensibly aimed at New Age
Travellers and the Rave culture, was also used, despite assurances to
the
contrary, against travellers and gypsies of all persuasions, showing
that it is
the nomadic lifestyle, rather than the activities of any particular
group of
travellers, that is deemed undesirable.
New Age Travellers have not gone away but, unable to
gather in such
large numbers, are no longer considered as the problem or threat they
were once
perceived to be.
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